Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - FIVE Hundred Thirty TWO
Palash Biswas
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Anti Brahamin Movement Non Existing and the Brahaminical Hegemony is Most Consolidated! Though the DMK movement in Tamilnadu is in Power for the same time span as the Marxists are in West Bengal, the Anti Brahamin Anti Aryan Movement seem to be absent. Sub caste politics has taken over the Base of Anti Brahamin Anti aryan Movement in the South.
You may not feel the absence while you travel across the state or visit Erode, the working place of Ramaswami naykar Periyar.
The fact that an Ayenger Brahamin Jai lalita has taken over the leadership of AIDMK is only a rhetoric. Birmani was also not a Dravid.
Nevertheless, total environment has got the Essence and Fragrance of Aboriginal Indigenous Non Brahamin Non Aryan Culture and Heritage despite the abundance of Huge Brahaminical structures all over the South from Madurai to Tirupati Balaji.
Most positive is the assertion of Non Aryan Identity as well as nationality which overwhelms the strickest form of Manusmriti rule.
Thus, in every worship place Non aryan Gods and Icons like Murugan, Ahiran, Mahishsashur and Ravan find their due place. It may not be imagined anywhere in North Indian under Aryan influence.
Tamilnadu is very important to identify oneself with the continuity of Aboriginal Indigenous Non Aryan Negroid Dravid Human scape and it is most Assertive.
As far as Governance is concerned, the Dravid Governments are more concerned with the Black Untouchables and the masses get fine Rice, the main food at the rate of Rupee One whereas we get the same kind at the rate of Rs Thirty Two in Marxist ruled West Bengal.
Politically Tamilnadu is as much as sensitive, conscious and passionate as West Bengal is. Personality cult is the general trend inflicted with Graft all over. Color TV for Rs Eleven Hundred on ration has elevated the image of the chief Minister Karunanidhi and he seems to be in constant touch with his Vote bank.
One language policy and most assertive love of Tamil identity has made Tamilnadu a little bit Remote and Isolated from the rest of the World where the educated people also are not habitual to interact in any language other than Tamil.
Since we North Indians care NOT to learn any of the South Indian Dravid language and are quite ignorant of the continuity of literate heritage discovered in Tanjavur or Tirunavelli, we must not complain that they do despise to talk in our North Indian languages!
Yes, poverty is quite revealing!
But the development works are commendable. Infrastructure seems quite good in comparison to the Non Aryan states in the Eastern and North East India, Central India, rest of the Aboriginal Human scape ruled by Brahaminical Hegemony specifically Marxist ruled states like Bengal, Kerala and Tripura.
But the problem is that Tamilnadu is isolated from the rest of the world and deny the responsiblity to connect with the Black Untouchable world outside!
As we see the Post Ambedkarite Movement, Maoist and Marxist movements in India headed by the Brahamins, it has been also replicated in Tamilnadu. Dravid Movement has lost the stings of Anti BrahaminAnt Aryan Identity and nationality.
Ironically, the ideologies of liberation have been hijacked by the Brahamins and Anti Brahamin Anti Aryan Movement is quite absent countrywide. Thus, MICRO Minority Three Percent Brahamins rule India as well as the Globe aligning with another micro minority Zionism dividing us and co opting the powerful dominant castes, classes amongst us within the graded Social infrastructure thanks to Manusmriti and Globalisation, Economic reforms!
It is the greatest tragedy that a personality like Dr BR Ambedkar and the legacy of national Mulnivasi Aboriginal Indigenous movements led by Harichand Guruchand Thakur, Panchanan Braman, Lalan Fakir, Jyothiba Phule, Anynkali, Narayan Guru, Shambhaji Maharaj, Periyar and so on - could not empower, awaken us to unite and Overthorow the Manusmriti Rule!
Specifically, this is the Failure of Ambedkarite Movement which is reduced to Opportunism, Co Option, Power Sharing, Personality Cult, Fund Mobilisation and Corruption grafted in and within!
I have talked to the Brahamins all over the country! The Bengali Kyastha Brahamins, Maithili, Ayenger and Ayappa Brhamins in Tamilnadu, Peetpavan Brahamin from Pune, Kanyakubja and Sarjupari in Uttar pradesh, Kumauni Brahmins , kashmiri Pundits and Gaur Brahamins from Rajasthan. All of them stand UNITED Rock Solid and work on multi dimensional level to defend Brahamincal interest. But we live with fragmented identity and Nationality and divided we stand. Whatever we have, money time talent muscles, we put it on stake to defend the Rotten brahaminical system!
Travelling by Chennai Mail, I had an opportunity to talk to an ayneger Brahamin Mr. gopalan from chennai. He knows very good Hindi and has got fluecy in english. he considers one language Policy adopted in tamilnadu is rather suiccidal. He has good sense of history and I learnt many things about Tamilnadu, details about Tanjavur, Kanchipuram, Madurai and Tirunavelli, periodic informations from the ages of Chola, Satvahan, Pandya and Pallav dynsaty. Mr Gopalan insists on unification of aryan and Non aryan nationalities in Indian Identity. He denies the existence of any Anti Brahaminical Anti aryan Movement in Tamilnadu or anywhere else. He has also visted many places in the Himalayas and rejetcs the idea of partition within. Purely Vegetarian Mr goplan and his company consisting of Aynger and Ayappa Brahamins also rejects any Discrimination. Interestingly, an impartial Telegu speaking reputed Medical Practitioner Dr subrahaminum in Coimbtore also rejects the existence of Anti Brahamin Anti aryan Movement. I talked to Jyothi and Raj who are working excellent with Dalit Panchayats all over karanataka for Dalit Identity, Electoral Reforms and Empowerment, once agin for hours and they do not recognise the existence of anti Brahamin Movement anywhere in India. Rather Bamcef Activsit from Bolangir, Orissa based in Tamilnadu, baldev Kumhar told me that Sub caste politics has taken over the Anti Brahaminical and anti aryan movement in the South. However, P manohar in Palakkad, Kerala insists that the Dravid Non Aryan Anti Brahamin movement is represented by the DRAVID movement and not by the Ambedkarites!
Anti-Brahminism
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 * | The neutrality of this article is disputed. Please see the discussion on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until the dispute is resolved. (December 2007) |
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*Anti-Brahminism, also spelled as Anti-Brahmanism, is discrimination, hostility or prejudice directed against the Brahmin caste, as opposed to Anti-Hinduism which rejects Hinduism as a whole. Anti-Hindus have however taken the stance against Brahmins because they were the traditional priestly class.[citation needed]
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Examples of Anti-Brahmanism
[edit] In Islamist Dynasties
In the book, Diwan-i-Salman by Khawajah Masud bin Sa'd bin Salman wrote of the Battle of Jalandhar (Punjab):
"The narrative of any battles eclipses the stories of Rustam and Isfandiyar...By morning meal, not one soldier, not one Brahmin remained unkilled or uncaptured. Their heads were levelled with the ground with falming fire..Thou has secured the victory to the country and to religion, for amongst the Hindus this achievement will be remembered till the day of resurrection."[1]
In Mughal times Sheikh Ahmad (Mujaddid) of Sirhind wrote a letter to Mirza Darab:
"Hindu Brahmans and Greek philosophers have spent a lot of time on religion. Since their efforts were not according to the Shariyat of the prophet, they were all fools. They will remain devoid of salvation."
The Brahmins were also the target in South India from the Delhi Sultanate and that is why at the time of the Vijayanagar Empire, King Prolaya Vema of the Reddy dynasty gave protection to them.[2]
Firoz Shah Bahmani (in about 1398-99), according to the Tawarikh Firishtah, kidnapped 2,000 Brahmin women, who were later freed by Raja Dev Rai of Vijayanagar.[3]
[edit] In media
- The "Secret Circular of the Brahmin Samaj of Balaghat", a document widely disseminated by magazines and newspapers, especially among the dalits and tribals.
- The anti-Hindu website Dalitstan.org (now defunct), included an extensive set of documents promoting anti-Brahmin, anti-Hindu and separationist ideas. They have been widely promoted and quoted by anti-Hindu interests.
[edit] In Indian states
[edit] In Maharashtra
The anti-brahmin hate group Sambhaji Brigade attacked Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute of Maharashtra in January 2004, claiming that the Institute had defamed Shivaji. Later the Sambhaji Brigade issued statements reflecting anti-Brahmin sentiments. The Maratha Seva Sangh is an extremely anti-Brahmin organization.[4]
[edit] In Tamil Nadu
Tamil Nadu is home to one of the oldest anti-Brahmin movements in India. Tamil Brahmins (Iyers and Iyengars) are frequently held responsible by some sections of the Tamil politicians and media for direct or indirect oppression of lower-caste people. The self-respect movement, a Dravidian Nationalist movement, was started by Periyar on the canard of "Brahmin oppression" and resulted in innumerable verbal hate attacks on Brahmins and started a wave of ethnic cleansing, resulting in forced mass-migration of the Brahmin population.[5] The canard of "Brahmin oppression" rationalized conspiracy theories and pointed to Brahmins as enemies against whom the radical movements pitted themselves.[5] The legacy of the anti-Brahmanism of the self-respect movement was taken over by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. Growing anti-Brahmanism in Chennai provided a rationale for polarization of the lower castes in the DMK movement.[6] Eventually, the virulent anti-Brahmanism subsided somewhat with the replacement of the DMK party by the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).[7] Jayalalitha,[8] a Brahmin, is now the leader of the AIADMK party, as is referred to as "Amma"(mother) by her party cadres.
See also: Portrayal of Tamil Brahmins in popular media#Negative_Portrayals
[edit] Neo-Buddhism
Some Buddhists groups[who?] blame the downfall of Buddhism in India on the Brahmans while trying to deny the contributions made by the Brahmins to Buddhism. A few of the Brahmins contributing to Buddhism include Nagarjuna, Asanga and Ksitigarbha. It is said that before the Buddha imself, there were also other Buddhas and in those time periods Lord Buddha was Brahmin Suruci, Brahmin Atideva, Brahmin Ajita and there are more past Brahmin lives of The Buddha.[citation needed] Brahmins have significantly helped in spread the Buddha Dharma. In Tibet it was Bodhisattva Padmasambhava, in central Asia it was Kumarajiva, in mainland China it was Bodhisattva Bodhidharma and in Japan it was Bodhisena. This criticism is bolstered by arguments that the Buddha had Brahmin heritage. Lord Buddha is said to be a descendant of Sage Angirasa in many Buddhist texts.[9] There too were Kshatiryas of other clans to whom members descend from Angirasa, to fulfill a childless king's wish.[10]
[edit] See also
- Dalit Voice
- Kashmiri Pandit, a group of Brahmins persecuted by Islamic militants
[edit] Notes
- ^ Destruction Of Hindu Temples By Muslims - Part II by Sita Ram Goel
- ^ (Prasad, Durga, P. 180, History of the Andhras up to 1565 A. D.)
- ^ P. 67-68 Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture By D. R. Bhandarkar
- ^ Politics of vandalism
- ^ a b Lloyd I. Rudolph Urban Life and Populist Radicalism: Dravidian Politics in Madras The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 20, No. 3 (May, 1961), pp. 283-297
- ^ Singh, Yogendra, Modernization of Indian Tradition: (A Systemic Study of Social Change), Oriental Press 1974 page 167
- ^ C. J. Fuller, The Renewal of the Priesthood: Modernity and Traditionalism in a South Indian Temple P117, Princeton University Press 2003 ISBN 0691116571
- ^ P. 65 Daughter of the South: biography of Jayalalitha By Pi. Ci Kaṇēcan
- ^ The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward Joseph Thomas
- ^ P. 17 Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology and Religion, Geography, History and Literature By John Dowson
[edit] References
- Politics and Social Conflict in South India, the Non-Brahman Movement and Tamil Separatism, 1916-1929. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969. By Prof. Eugene Irschik
- Editorial by Francois Gautier on anti-Brahmanism
- Article by Pdt Vamadeva Shastri (formerly David Frawley) on anti-Brahmanism
- Article from the well-regarded Indian periodical Outlook comparing Hindu Brahmins to anti-semitic stereotype(s) of Jews
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Brahminism"
Categories: Human rights | Brahmins | Racism | Discrimination
TN's anti-Brahmin movement hits tradition, boosts real estate
Brahmins are finding ways to survive in changing times, while clinging to old traditionsPriyanka P. Narain
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Kannan's house, which sits across the street from the ancient Parthasarthy temple in the heart of Chennai, has not changed in 500 years: the palanquin his forefathers used now hangs on wooden beams and he draws water from the same well as them. In his backyard, a brown calf chews cud.
For centuries, Brahmin families such as Kannan's have lived and worked in the streets or villages around ancient temples. These four streets, called the agraharam, created a subculture where Brahmin priests lived a chaste life and performed traditional duties as priests and teachers by running the temple and teaching the Vedas to students. They essentially formed the ecosystem that ran the temples of south India.
Yet, against a backdrop of Tamil Nadu's anti-Brahmin movement, government policies outlawing the Brahmin-only colonies, skyrocketing real estate prices and Brahmins' declining social relevance, the culture of the agraharam and people such as Kannan, who uses one name, are becoming a rarity.
Earlier this year came another policy change—temple authorities will now train their own priests, and priests no longer have to be Brahmins, making older Brahmin priests all, but irrelevant.
With growing economic prosperity and migration, many of the streets occupied by Brahmins in south Indian cities are finding it hard to resist selling out.
Just memories? Interiors of Kannan's 500-year-old house that sits across the street from the Parthasarthy temple in Mylapore.
From Kannan's house, it is easy to see the new white, pink and yellow coloured buildings of residences, malls and coffee shops. Another being constructed adjoins his backyard. He insists he will hang on—to the past; to the identity.
"I would get about Rs3 crore for it (my house). But I will not sell. I want my children and grandchildren to own it. Without this house, what am I?" says Kannan, who has a postgraduate degree in economics.
Brahmins are finding ways to survive in changing times, while clinging to old traditions.
Babu Das grew up helping his father run a canteen, or mess as it is called in south India, inside his pink-coloured home at the Kapaleeshwar temple agraharam in Chennai's Mylapore area. The Karpagambal Mess is famous for its authentic Tamil snacks, home-made idlis and dosai served on banana-leaf plates while playing while playing M.S. Subbalaxmi's rendition of the Vishnu Sahasranama, the thousand names of Vishnu.
Das inherited the canteen from his father, but does not know how old the building is. "I love everything about this place. No one wants to change anything about it. The people who come here to eat like it for what it is. After all, money can buy you the latest trends, but will it bring back this tradition?" he asks.
Many traditions related to agraharams have been fading for some time. In 1996, a government order recreated the Hindu religious and charitable endowments administration department to supervise the administration of 36,363 temples, 56 maths (which are a type of ashram) and about 1,910 endowments in Tamil Nadu. Priests, meanwhile, are receiving training more formally in gurukuls, schools where a new generation of priests is taught the Vedas. These vedic boarding-schools are largely set up outside Chennai.
Thirumagal, the joint commissioner at the Temple Endowment Board who also uses just one name, agrees that the agraharam has been a part of the temple culture, "but we are only supposed to look after the temples. The agraharams are not our problem. The municipality must look after them".
But municipality support of landownership based on caste poses both a legal and moral dilemma in a new India.
And the real estate boom adds to the agraharam's woes. For example, developers here are paying Rs70-80 lakh for 2,400 sq. ft of land around the Parthasarthy temple.
It's a price that's hard to refuse for poorer Brahmins who have only known squalor and hunger in their ancestral homes. "They sell their house, buy a flat in the city, put the rest of the money in a bank and live on the interest," explains T.K. Raju, a clerk who lives at the agraharam of the Parthasarthy temple.
In addition, the community's younger generation, namely a few notable high-achieving math wizards, has typically found homes in places such as California's Silicon Valley. Not many of them are likely to return, most here agree.
"People need to understand that Brahmins are not rich," said C. Venkatesh, a Brahmin who works as a freelance consultant for computer companies and lives in the agraharam of Kapaleeshwar temple with his wife Revathi and their seven-year-old daughter, Shreya.
Meanwhile, the growing irrelevance in temples has forced these Brahmins to re-invent themselves. Many became clerks in government offices and when that did not pay enough, they became cooks and shop assistants in jewellery and silk sari emporiums.
Raju, for example, was a clerk in the Madras high court. Some 10 years ago, he quit. "My children were growing up. I had to educate them well and I could not afford to pay the bills on my salary. So I went into catering." The gamble worked, he says. "My son is in a good high school and my daughter is pursuing a masters degree."
Raju's home, called Komati Bungalows, is a long, narrow street with small huts on both sides. For 100 years, 50 Brahmin families have lived in these huts, which are built on land belonging to the Ayodhya Temple Trust.
"A lot of land and houses of the agraharam belong to the temples," Raju says.
Venkatesh says that poverty was the main reason why people sold their homes. "If I have to look after ageing parents, medical bills to pay, a sister to marry and my children to educate, and someone comes to my house with money…will I not sell? You may not want to sell, but when poverty comes to your door, can you hold out?"
Yet, for people such as Babu, life is still about the temple. He remembers going to the Kapaleeshwar temple every evening to play with friends, and straddle stone elephants. "Life revolved around this temple," he says. "It was more than home to us. We did the temple work, carried the palanquin, and often, just hung out."
Babu says he feels desolate when his neighbours sell their homes, or when the temple rents out land for commercial shops and says he does not plan to sell. "I take my daughters out to sit on those elephants now. This life means something. And when they grow up, I want them to have this place." But saving the place for his daughters will not be easy.
First, "there are no heritage laws in Chennai. Unlike Mumbai and Delhi, the city administration has not done anything for conservation", says Vincent D'Souza, editor of a local paper, Mylapore Times, who works closely with a conservation group that conducts walking-tours of the area for citizens. Without heritage laws, conservation organizations like his group, have no legal recourse. "If someone wants to protest, where will they go?"
Drafting heritage laws will not be easy. In a state with a strong anti-brahmin lobby and 80% of the state population under quotas, any move to conserve brahmin culture will be perceived as a political statement. Raju says, "In this state, it is hard to help the Brahmins. We are the political untouchables."
It remains a matter of debate in Tamil Nadu's society about what it wants to conserve. The soul-searching remains and week after week, this citizen group continues to peel back layers of history in the architecture of the streets around Kapaleeshwar temple. They watch new high-rises come up and feel frustrated when a familiar old home on the street is replaced.
But in the current political-economic enviornment, D'Souza is not too hopeful. "There is nothing that can be done," he says. "Not many people care about heritage."
http://www.livemint.com/2007/11/16235400/TN8217s-antiBrahmin-moveme.html
Archive for the 'Non-Brahmin movement' Category
IATR and the World Classical Tamil Conference
July 24, 2010IATR and the World Classical Tamil Conference
Noboru Karashima
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/article528744.ece
The Hindu Dr. Noboru Karashima. Photo: K.V.Srinivasan
A new International Association of Tamil Research must now be created to function as a real academic body.
The World Classical Tamil Conference that was held in Coimbatore last month attracted lakhs of people, according to reports. The International Association of Tamil Research (IATR), which is an older academic organisation of international scholars and of which I am President, kept its independence from this Conference. I will explain here the reasons for this and also contemplate the future of the IATR and Tamil studies in general.
Circumstances that led to the formation of the World Classical Tamil Conference
In September 2009, I was informed that the Tamil Nadu government had decided to hold the 9th session of the IATR conference in January 2010 in Coimbatore. I was greatly surprised as I had not been consulted on this matter. For accepting the government's kind offer to sponsor our 9th Conference, I put forth the following as conditions.
1) A period of at least one year to organise the conference, as I felt it was impossible to organise any big international academic conference within four months. The earliest possible date of the Conference, I said, could be December 2010 or January 2011.
2) The clear demarcation of the academic sessions of the IATR conference from the political events and programmes associated with it.
3) The release for distribution by the Government of the five-volume Proceedings of the 8th IATR Conference held in 1995 in Thanjavur sponsored by the then State Government. These had been ready for distribution in 2005, but had been kept in the Tamil University despite repeated requests for their release to the present Government.
In response, the State Government postponed the Conference from January 2010 to June 2010, and accepted my second and third points. I was strongly urged to accept this offer, as the Government could not put off the date later than June 2010 in view of the expected State Assembly election. I however held to the position that the conference should not be held earlier than December 2010. Incidentally, in the case of the 14th World Sanskrit Conference that was successfully held in Japan in September 2009, the first circular was issued two years before the conference.
Having consulted many internationally reputed scholars in various countries on this matter and having secured their support, I sent my final answer to the Government in the negative — with a statement, however, that the Government could hold any Tamil Conference of its own, if it did not involve IATR. Accordingly, the Government decided to hold its own conference, the World Classical Tamil Conference, in June 2010 in Coimbatore.
History of the IATR and past conferences
The IATR was established by some eminent scholars who were deeply concerned about the development of Tamil studies on the occasion of the 26th International Congress of Orientalists held in New Delhi in 1964. The first IATR Conference was held in Kuala Lumpur in 1966, and the second in 1968 in Madras. The 1960s witnessed the culmination and triumph of the Dravidian Movement, and the government headed by C.N. Annadurai of the DMK was voted to power in 1967 — just before the IATR conference in Madras.
It was quite natural that the Madras conference turned out to be a massive political celebration of the victory of the Dravidian Movement, though the conference showed its strength academically too. Therefore, the political statement made by this academic conference was understandable and probably permissible, although politics cast a shadow over the following conferences held in Tamil Nadu. The 5th Conference held again in Tamil Nadu in 1981 in Madurai, under the sponsorship of the AIADMK Government, became a political show again as the government made it a platform for the forthcoming elections. The 6th Conference, which was held in Kuala Lumpur in 1987, was equally affected by regional politics, as it was attended by a large group of Tamil Nadu politicians.
Although I was absent from the 7th Conference held in Moka in Mauritius in 1989, I was elected President of IATR on that occasion. I therefore organised the 8th Conference held in Thanjavur in 1995 with the sponsorship offered by the Tamil Nadu Government. Although I tried my best to separate the academic session from the political programme, two lakh persons attended the closing ceremony held in the stadium. Moreover, the conference was spoiled by the deportation of some Sri Lankan scholars. Though I sent a letter of protest to the then Chief Minister asking for an explanation, I did not receive a reply.
Historical role of IATR
The Dravidian Movement, or the Non-Brahmin movement as it was called, arose in the 1910s spearheaded by the Justice Party. Language became the focus of the movement by the late 1930s, and great emphasis was placed on the economic and political struggle by the South (Dravidian) power against the North (Aryan) power. The movement demanded the overturning of the North/Aryan 'oppression' of the South/Dravidian.
From the 1970s, however, the situation changed in accordance with the changes in caste society and the gradual economic growth of the South. The Dravidian Movement could be said to have fulfilled its historical role to a certain extent. From the 1980s, we see a shift in the aims of the movement. The political mobilisations by the DMK and AIADMK, and their appeals to the regional sentiments of the Tamil people, were primarily aimed at the expansion of their political vote base.
The Proceedings volumes of the 8th IATR Conference held in Thanjavur in 1995 still remain in Tamil University without distribution. The World Classical Tamil Conference was the best opportunity for their distribution. In the Preface (of the Proceedings), I have suggested that IATR should change its structure, free its conferences from politics, and respond to new academic trends.
It is true that IATR had not been able to conduct the 9th Conference since 1995. However, it is important to note that IATR originally planned to hold the 8th Conference in London in 1992, but as that did not materialise, it recommended in Thanjavur in 1995 the U.K., U.S.A. or South Africa as the venue for the 9th Conference. However, none of the IATR national units of these countries came forward to invite IATR to hold the conference; they were daunted perhaps by the inevitable political overtones that enter the conferences.
As for new trends in research, the "Tamil Studies Conference" organised by the University of Toronto has held its fifth conference, although on a much smaller scale, in May 2010. Some workshops and seminars on specific areas have been held in various places in the last ten years. I do not deny the advantages of large conferences, provided they are free from politics. However, the time has come now for small-scale workshops and seminars for comparative studies with other fields, instead of big conferences covering all aspects of Tamil studies.
Renaissance for Tamil Studies?
The time has come for the IATR to assume a new avatar. It has completed its historical role by making people realise the importance of Tamil studies, just as the Dravidian Movement did in respect of its original objectives. A new IATR must now be created to function as a real academic body.
My only satisfaction as President of IATR and a lover of the Tamil people and culture who has devoted his life to Tamil studies is the conviction that IATR has defended its academic freedom by keeping its independence from the government-organised and politically oriented conference held last month in Coimbatore.
However, IATR must be resurrected in a new way. Its renaissance rests on the shoulders of young and sincere scholars of Tamil studies.
(Noboru Karashima is the President of the International Association of Tamil Research and Professor Emeritus, University of Tokyo.)
Tags:Dravidian Movement, International Association of Tamil Research, Noboru Karashima, Non-Brahmin movement, Tamil Studies Conference, World Classical Tamil Conference, World Sanskrit Conference
Posted in anti-Brahmin, anti-north, Aryan immigration, Asko Parpola, ஆரிய-திராவிடக் கட்டுக்கதைகள், Dravidian Movement, Dravidian origins, Dravidian race, Dravidian racialism, Dravidian racism, Dravidian racist, Dravidian solution, Dravidian studies, Harappan Civilization, International Association of Tamil Researc, Karunanidhi, Noboru Karashima, Non-Brahmin movement, Tamil Studies Conference, World Sanskrit Conference | 1 Comment »
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Is the Dravidian movement dying?
SUBRAMANIAN SWAMY
| The Dravidian movement is on the verge of collapse under the weight of its inherent ideological contradictions. |
S.R. RAGHUNATHAN
Jayalalithaa, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and AIADMK general secretary, inaugurating a noon meal scheme for poor devotees, at the Kapaleeswarar temple in Chennai.
THE Dravidian movement in Tamil Nadu can be dated to begin from December 1916 when the "Non-Brahmin Manifesto" was released. In the manifesto, the Dravidian concept was anti-Brahmin specific because the patrons of the movement, the British imperialist rulers, had wanted it that way, and for good reason as I shall expound below. The manifesto was authored principally by Dr. T.M. Nair and Rao Bahadur Theogaraya Chetty. It candidly advocated the continuance of British imperialist rule because it was contended that the British alone could "hold the scales evenly between the castes and creed" of India.
The manifesto was immediately denounced as a handiwork of the British rulers with an aim to divide the freedom struggle. Dr. Annie Besant, then editor of New India, and a prominent personality in the freedom struggle, debunked the manifesto as "mischievous and unpatriotic". The non-Brahmins in the freedom struggle such as Kesava Pillay were also appalled by its blatant casteist approach and thus distanced themselves from it.
Since the Dravidian movement's focus was defined and set solely against the Brahmins, without an ideological structure for developing a pan non-Brahmin consciousness, with the movement's founding, the seeds of its demise were also planted. It has taken time, but today the decay and moral bankruptcy of the Dravidian movement is evident in the land of its birth. Its demise seems imminent.
The movement grew first with British imperialist patronage, and especially after being given a militant edge by a Congressman, Periyar E.V. Ramasamy Naicker. In 1932, the movement suffered a setback when Dr. B.R. Ambedkar rejected the British offer of separate electorates for the Scheduled Castes, and sided with Mahatma Gandhi to sign the Poona Pact. By then Periyar had left the Congress and militantly advocated godlessness and atheism. He even declared Ravana a Dravidian hero. Under Periyar the Dravidian movement came close to developing an ideology that could have provided a durable basis for its survival, but even Periyar could not overcome the erroneous assumptions and basic internal contradictions on which it was founded. The Poona Pact, for example, dealt a body blow to those who had thought that the Scheduled Castes would en masse defect from Hindu society.
Until Independence in 1947, the Dravidian movement functioned as a handmaiden of the British imperialists. Just prior to the transfer of power, Periyar had pleaded with the Viceroy's representative not to leave power in Tamil Nadu, even if they departed from the rest of India. The movement, however, survived and got a boost after 1952 because of the short-sighted partisan interest of the Congress, and further in the 1960s, ironically because of an even more myopic interest of C. Rajagopalachari, the then political Dean of the Brahmins. The Congress saw the Dravidian movement as a tool to keep other national opposition parties from gathering strength, and used them as ideological storm-troopers. It never thought that the Dravidian movement could culminate in power and office and replace the Congress itself. It was Rajaji, in his personal resolve to see the Congress out of power, who put together a wide coalition under the leadership of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), and brought the "Dravidians" to power in the State in 1967. For 36 years thereafter without a break (except short periods of President's Rule), Tamil Nadu has been administered by the DMK and its splinter, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), with the avowed national parties playing second fiddle.
The Dravidian movement has, however, on its own run its course, and lost momentum. All that remains, in my opinion, is in form - in names of organisations such as DMK, AIADMK, Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) and so on, but not in content. The Dravidian movement had remained, from its beginning, unable to handle its ideological contradictions or recognise the seeds of its own destruction planted in it.
It was not a grassroots movement from below to articulate the aspirations of the masses. It began with well-to-do British toadies seeking commanding heights of Tamil society. The British imperialists had wanted an instrument to divide and rule in the south, and seized on the fallacious Aryan-Dravidian theory propounded by East India Company-paid historians. It was annoying to the imperialist that many Brahmins, with little wealth to sustain themselves, but with religious authority, were in the forefront of the freedom struggle. Some such as Justice Sadashiva Iyer and Subramania Bharati were following the teachings of Ramanuja to advocate against birth-specific caste system. Justice Iyer, in fact, articulated in New India (July 3-16,1916) his views six months before the release of the "Non-Brahmin Manifesto", debunking birth-based caste system. The implied suggestion of Hindu unity was subversive and dangerous in imperialist perception. Hence it needed to be nipped in the bud. That gave birth to the Dravidian movement.
In 1947, the British patrons left India and orphaned the Dravidian movement. The movement would have collapsed soon after, but the Congress soon stepped in and propped it up for narrow partisan interests. With this patronage, the Dravidian movement revived with a political agenda and entered the Legislative Assembly. Through the Tamil cinema world, it propagated its ideas to win legitimacy. With democratic politics, and consequent democratic rule, some of the attractive agenda items of the Dravidian movement got internalised, adopted, implemented and became history. Reservations in jobs and educational institutions were pioneered in Tamil Nadu. The Brahmins, being only 3 per cent of the population, lost their pre-eminence in the commanding heights of the post-Independence society based on political power. The meat of the Dravidian movement had been thus consumed by democracy.
Since the ideological basis of the movement remained contradictory, it could not amalgamate, strike deeper roots, and otherwise build on these achievements for the non-Brahmins. The movement leaders attacked everything connected with Brahmins, including Sanskrit and idol worship. But Tamil and Sanskrit being intertwined from time immemorial, it became impossible to separate them. The two languages share 40 per cent of the vocabulary. The scripts of both languages have descended from the same mother: Brahmi. The word Dravidian is, for example, a Sanskrit word. It was first used by Adi Sankara, in reply to a question by Varanasi scholar Mandana Mishra as to who he was. Sankara replied that he was a "Dravida sishu", meaning a child of where the three oceans (the Arabian sea, the Bay of Bengal, and the Indian Ocean) meet. The British-paid historians, however, made Dravida into a race. Similiarly, "Arya" in Sanskrit denoted a gentleman (in Tamil: Aiya), but these historians made Arya into a foreign race from Europe who had come racing down the Khyber Pass to defeat the Dravidians. And thus India came to be propagandised as a two-race state.
For a time, after the British left India, Indian historians continued teaching this bogus concept of India, adding grist to the Dravidian movement propaganda. Some North Indian scholars suffering from inferiority complex lapped up this concept because the theory made them first cousins of Europeans. They too contributed to the myth.
THE Dravidian movement also failed to amalgamate the Scheduled Castes. During the last two decades, the Dravidian parties have each come to be controlled by a dominant caste, all which are in conflict with the Scheduled Castes. Hence, the movement failed to develop into a pan non-Brahmin movement, and has become fragmented.
SHAJU JOHN
DMK president M. Karunanidhi.
Interestingly, the decisive impact that undermined the Dravidian movement came not from scholars of independent India, but from Hindi films and nationally broadcast cable television. Hindi films recruited Tamil starlets and made them into leading actresses of national fame. Suddenly, the north-south physical divide visibly evaporated. Dress modes and songs got homogenised.
The Doordarshan serial on the Ramayana destroyed the concept of Ravana as a Dravidian hero. Ravana was portrayed as a Brahmin scholar who had done tapas in the Kailash mountains. Rama was an Arya, since he was a gentleman, but he was a non-Brahmin (Kshatriya to be exact) and hence more Dravidian than Ravana. Nothing embarassed Periyar's followers than this re-discovery of Ramayana by the Tamil people. Such contradictions began to manifest openly, undermining the ideological basis of the Dravidian movement. The religious revival in Tamil Nadu kept apace with this, compounding the discomfiture of the movement.
Through the visual media and national integration, a national identity for Tamils has been deeply embedded in the people's minds. Today it has become fashionable for a Tamil to claim to be Indian first and a Tamil afterwards. That sentiment means a death knell for the Dravidian movement because nationalism undercuts the possibility of Tamil separatism. For the movement's revival, in the 1980s its leaders had a hope in separatism because of the growth of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). That too has fizzled out now.
So what remains of the Dravidian movement today? It's name and attendant political power only. The springboard of anti-Brahminism has disappeared. Is it not odd that the AIADMK, which is in power today, is led by a religious Brahmin offering only lip sympathy to Periyar's commandments. The DMK leaders visit temples, and wear rudraskha malas and saffron shawls.
Although the Dravidian movement has definitely re-positioned the majority securely in Tamil society, which is an essential requirement of secular democracy, it has set back Tamil Nadu in the national political power structure. Compared to its size (more than 60 million people), the level of education (the second most educated State) and the number of Lok Sabha members (39), Tamil Nadu's national political status is marginalised, thanks to the provincial outlook of the Dravidian movement. Hence, although the movement is dying, being terminally ill, the negative positioning of the State in national affairs over the last four decades needs correction. Time has come to re-define the position of Tamil Nadu at the national level that is consistent with its size, economic potential and cultural contribution and at par with its status in Indian history. That means fostering a national outlook along with undoing the caste polarisation that the Dravidian movement has nurtured. This will require a new political dispensation. No easy task, but no societal transition ever is.
Dr. Subramanian Swamy is Janata Party president and a former Union Minister.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2012/stories/20030620003609800.htm
What is Tamil about Anti-Hindi?
For a long time the question of Tamil Nationalism has been hammering my thought. It resulted in change of my behavior too, such as being proud "Tamilian". But, never again.Revisiting the history of Tamil nationalism I have revised my stand.
The first explosion of the movement surfaced as the Anti-Hindi movement. Was this movement against Hindi (as we think), or was it against the Brahmin population? It was against the Brahmin population, who dominated the power in Center and the State. Therefore the Anti-Hindi movement can also be reassessed as anti-Brahmin movement. People who opposed Hindi were fighting for Dravidian land, which includes present Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu. In these different states the dominant Caste didn't want to come under unified Dravidian tag, because they wanted their own power in their own language speaking states. As a result they did not support Dravidian slogan, and withdrew from it. Therefore the Dravidian slogan became a flop. But the upper Caste based in Tamil Nadu wanted to control the power, feeding on the popular sentiments. Many option were there to choose, Religion, Caste, Class, and language. Expect Language each other options can be divided in it. Language was the only option to bring masses under a tag to acquire their dominance. Therefore they shifted their slogan from Dravidian to Tamil nation, a nation for those who speaks Tamil, not for those who are basically "Tamilian".
As a result, Tamil Nadu could have many Non-natives as Chief Ministers, without marring its Tamil nation ideology.
Tamil Nadu is the only South Indian state to have had Chief Ministers of different nativitiy. MGR, Jayalalitha, Karunanidhi, Annadurai, and Ms. Janaki Ramachandran.
There are even many non-"Tamilians" in Tamil Nadu who are respected and encouraged. Such as A.R. Rahman, Rajini Kanth, Vijaya Kanth, Ajith, Periyar, etc.
People who can speak in English can survive in cities of Tamil Nadu. But in the case of Delhi without knowing Hindi you would be literally having a night mare.
During the Sri Lankan war, the Tamilian who protested did not come on to the roads just for supporting Tamil Eelam. They all had different stories. Most of the people who protested knew what the Indian Government and the Sri Lankan government would do to the marginalized population.
But still Tamil Nationalism is seen as a patriotic movement in Tamil Nadu. Mostly the movement is spearheaded by SC/ST population. It is a result of the Dravidian movement who say they are fighting for Caste annihilation. Therefore they abandon speaking Caste in the movement. Even across India the mainstream does not encourage to speak an issue on Caste lines. Hence, the only tag which could unite a larger population in region is the common language they speak. Most of the leaders of the movement do understand this. The leaders never gave a chance for the masses to understand these facts.
I would like to ask a simple question for the masses, who are spear heading the movement. For which Tamil speaking population are they spearheading the movement, Upper Caste or lower Caste or Dalits? If the target is their lower Caste and Dalits, then let it be a lower caste or Dalit movement rather than the linguistics nationalism.
If we have to have good governance then we should get rid of Congress and the BJP in the Centre and Karunanidhi's and Jayalalitha's clutches in Tamil Nadu. Even if the People of Tamil Nadu can come out of the Sun and the Kalaignar TV's clutches, that would be great
Posted by ravi, ravi.ciefl@gmail.com at 1:09 AM
Labels: Anti-Hindi, Dalit., Dravidian Movement, Janakiramachandran, Jayalalitha, Kamarajar, Karunanidhi, lower Caste, MGR, Tamil Nationalism
http://tamilnadudalits.blogspot.com/2010/04/what-is-tamil-about-anti-hindi.html
| BUILDERS & BREAKERS For the People  E.V. Ramaswami Naicker and C.N. Annadurai By Cho S. Ramaswamy | |
| Both electrified Tamil Nadu with dynamism and easy charm. But what's left of the Dravidian movement is just a shadow of what either of them dreamt and planned for. |
He abused Tamil as the language of barbarians and ridiculed the Tamil people by claiming that he, a Kannadiga, could become a leader of the Tamils because there was no Tamilian fit to lead them.
Looking back at the life and times of E.V. Ramaswami Naicker, revered as Periyar (1879-1973), one may safely conclude that he was accepted and acclaimed as the leader by a significant section of the Tamil population in spite of all his contempt for Tamil and disdain for Tamils only because he was perceived to be a genuine individual, a rarity among those in public life. There was no shade of hypocrisy in him and he never attempted sophistry while propounding his social philosophy. And what a philosophy it was!
His message was clear. For the people to advance and prosper, they must abandon the Hindu religion, the superstitions that went with it, the idols and ceremonies created by it, and the caste system born of it. This was the essence of the social doctrine enunciated by Periyar. His scheme of action was as simple as the doctrine itself: get rid of the Brahmin. With him would go all other things associated with the Hindu religion.
This unconcealed anger against the Brahmins is said to be the result of a practice in a gurukulam, a school run by a Congressman in the 1920s, in which food was served to the Brahmin boys and others in different sections. If the objectionable practice hurt the sentiments of EVR, the cold indifference with which his justifiable complaint was treated by the Congress shattered his faith in the party and made him believe that it was a party of Brahmins. Later EVR left the Congress to form the Self-Respect Movement. While in the Congress he had actively participated in the khadi propaganda effort, the agitation for prohibition, and led the Vaikom Satyagraha for the temple entry of Harijans. It was a poignant irony that having played a commendable role as a Congressman in the Independence movement, he, in 1938, found himself leading the Justice Party which was somewhat of an asylum for blind supporters of the British. It was the only party in India to have supported the infamous Rowlatt Act; not only that, they had even the depravity to defend the Jallianwala Bagh massacre.
But far from blemishing that party's chronicle of dishonour, Periyar made his own contribution to it. The man who sold khadi on the streets of Madras Presidency while in the Congress, was now trying to sell the state to the British. This craving for British rule persisted with EVR even after the Justice Party was reborn as the Dravidar Kazhagam (DK), the mother of all Dravidian parties. His hatred of the Brahmins consumed him to such an extent that he even abhorred Independence and pleaded with the British to retain Madras Presidency under them even if they were to leave the other parts of India. Fortunately for himself and his party, his demand was not taken seriously by anyone, including the British.
Was EVR a success? No doubt he is hailed even today as one of the leaders of the Tamil people but what was the fate of his philosophy, his message? Total and complete disaster there.
He broke the idols of Vinayaka; today the Vinayaka procession is a gala event in Tamil Nadu. He tore pictures of Rama and applied the chappal to it; a few years ago Tamil Nadu sent a strong contingent of devotees of Rama carrying bricks for the shilanyas at Ayodhya. He fought superstitions; his followers in the aiadmk tonsured their heads for the good health of their leader, J. Jayalalitha. He cursed the caste; now the offshoots of his movement, the DMK led by K. Karunanidhi and the aiadmk, are fighting elections dependent on caste-based votes, and caste-based parties have come up in Tamil Nadu. He poured his wrath on the Brahmin; now the leader of DK is an unabashed trumpeter Jayalalitha, a Brahmin. He was the apostle of secession; his followers swear allegiance to national integration.
In spite of this failure on all fronts, Periyar is still revered because of the solid contribution he made in the demystification of the Brahmin from the exalted position in society. But in his crusade against the caste system, however, he did not concentrate on the liberation of the Harijans, perhaps for fear of alienating his followers, mostly from the other castes. The man who fought for the Harijans while in the Congress, started passing over their miserable plight once he was leading his own party. In this regard, the worth of EVR's work could be judged by the plight of the Dravidian parties. They are unable even today to gain the confidence of the Dalits who have formed their own organisations to fight for their rights. The judgement then of the political and social history of Tamil Nadu could only be that while Periyar the singer was admired, his song was ignored. As a man Periyar was the embodiment of civility, which is why he is still loved. The man was greater than his message.
In fact, his message was so unsaleable a commodity that C.N. Annadurai (1909-1969) had to abandon many aspects of it when he quit the DK, to form the DMK in 1949. As with everything concerning the Dravidian parties, the split too had a touch of the ludicrous, as it occurred not on any policy differences or ego clashes, but on the question of the marriage which EVR contracted at a ripe old age, probably for ensuring companionship and nursing. CNA and his men condemned the marriage, quit the DK and formed the DMK. Maybe, CNA and his colleagues were waiting for an excuse to break free of the shackles of non-electoral functioning, which EVR had imposed on his party.
But CNA had openly aired his differences with EVR even earlier in 1947, when EVR called upon his followers to observe Independence Day as a day of mourning. Though CNA as a member of the DK had not demurred when EVR pleaded for direct British rule for Madras Presidency, even after they left the other parts of India, he began to cast away the more bizarre platforms of EVR once he became a leader in his own right. Thus for CNA's DMK it was "one God" in the place of EVR's "no God". It was Brahminism which had to be rooted out, not the Brahmins as was the programme of EVR. Tamil for CNA was his first love, while for EVR it was a pet aversion. More than all this, CNA abandoned the Dravidanadu demand for sheer political survival in the context of the Anti-Secession Act. Originally the slogan of the DMK was "Let us get Dravidanadu or go to the burial ground". Ultimately it was Dravidanadu which was sent to the cemetery.
CNA's DMK won the 1967 elections in alliance with several parties, including that of Rajaji's Swanthara Party. His success was the defeat of EVR, for the latter campaigned vigorously against the DMK, and irony of ironies, for the Congress. It never recovered in Tamil Nadu from the kiss of death, and the DMK grew in strength in spite of all the abuse showered on it by Periyar. CNA, known for his wit and sarcasm, dedicated the DMK's victory to Periyar, after deliberately burying his most cherished goals. Though CNA had given up the demand for Dravidanadu only to escape the clutches of the Anti-Secession Act, he also exhibited rare courage in doing it, for it was the foundation on which his party had been built. But this kind of political nerve came naturally to him. He was perhaps the only leader of any party, who allowed a second line of leadership to emerge in his own lifetime but even went out of the way to spot such talent and encouraged them to develop as future leaders. This paid rich dividends to the party, which produced a notable line of leaders. An orator of extraordinary brilliance, a writer of considerable merit, a parliamentarian of remarkable talent, CNA's worth as an administrator could not be assessed as his tenure as chief minister was cut short by his untimely death, an event mourned by the entire state irrespective of party affiliations. His greatest achievement was that he could emerge as one of the respected leaders of Tamil Nadu after having begun his political career as a mere rabble rouser with a reputation which was at best, debatable. EVR got his movement isolated by his attitude of obstinate confrontation; CNA synthesised his party in the mainstream of national politics by judicious use of the art of compromise. While the movement of EVR stands debilitated today, the party of CNA is still a force. What was left after CNA, of the Dravidianism propounded by EVR got diluted still further by M.G. Ramachandran, the founder of the AIADMK. He could be described as an illegitimate child of the Dravidian movement, as he was the offspring of the cohabitation between the movement and the movies. The remnants of the Dravidian philosophy have been entombed by Jayalalitha. She parades the present leader of Periyar's anti-Brahmin movement as her principal apologist. Periyar wanted to change society with his movement; his followers have changed his movement. The metamorphosis is complete.
Cho S. Ramaswamy is editor, Tughlak.
THE MYSORE DUO KRISHNARAJA WODEYAR IV & M. VISVESVARAYA
If Karnataka boasts of being India's pioneering software centre today, some of the credit must be apportioned to Krishnaraja Wodeyar IV, Maharaja of the erstwhile Mysore state (1884-1940). But computers in the country in the early 1900s? Not exactly. Wodeyar's contribution lay in the fact that at a time when most maharajas were content to stay in the lap of luxury, his bold initiatives gave the state a headstart with education and industry, among other areas.
If Wodeyar had a vision for the state, he also had an able architect in Sir M. Visvesvaraya (1861-1962) to give shape to it. Together they turned Mysore into an industrial, agricultural and human- resource power centre of their times. A trained engineer, industrialist and statesman, Viswesvaraya had pioneered state-of-the-art water supply, drainage and irrigation systems in townships of western India during the late 1800s. He came to Mysore on a special request by Wodeyar. Among the foremost planners of India, Viswesvaraya wrote several books elucidating his ideals. That one of them, Reconstructing India, is still considered a reliable guide by policymakers speaks volumes for the man -- and his maharaja.
http://www.india-today.com/itoday/millennium/100people/durai.html
Periyar E. V. Ramasamy
| Periyar E. V. Ramasamy | |
|---|---|
 Periyar E. V. Ramasamy during his early life as a merchant | |
| Born | 17 September 1879 Erode, Madras Presidency, British India |
| Died | 24 December 1973 (aged 94) Vellore, Tamil Nadu, India |
| Other names | Ramasami, E.V.R., Periyar, or Thanthai Periyar |
| Organization | Indian National Congress, Justice Party, Dravidar Kazhagam |
| Political movement | Self-Respect Movement, Tamil Nationalism |
| Religion | Atheist |
| Awards | UNESCO (1970) |
Erode Venkata Ramasamy[1] (Tamil: ஈரோடு வேங்கட ராமசாமி ) (September 17, 1879 – December 24, 1973), affectionately called by his followers as Periyar (Tamil: பெரியார்), Thanthai Periyar or E. V. R., was a businessman, politician, Indian independence and social activist, who started the Self-Respect Movement or the Dravidian Movement and proposed the creation of an independent state called Dravidasthan comprising South India. He is also the founder of the socio-cultural organisation, Dravidar Kazhagam.[2][3][4]
Periyar was born in Erode, Madras Presidency to a wealthy family of Kannada speaking Balijas.[5][6][7] At a young age, he witnessed numerous incidents of racial, caste and gender discrimination.[5] Periyar married when he was 19, and had a daughter who lived for only 5 months. His first wife, Nagammai, died in 1933.[8] Periyar married for a second time in July 1948.[9] His second wife, Maniammai, continued Periyar's social work after his death in 1973, but still his thoughts and ideas were being spread by Dravidar Kazhagam.[10]
Periyar joined the Indian National Congress in 1919, but resigned in 1925 when he felt that the party was only serving the interests of the Brahmins.[11][12] In 1924, Periyar led a non-violent agitation (satyagraha) in Vaikom, Kerala. From 1929 to 1932 toured Malaysia, Europe, and Russia, which had an influence on him.[13] In 1939, Periyar became the head of the Justice Party,[14] and in 1944, he changed its name to Dravidar Kazhagam.[15] The party later split and one group led by C. N. Annadurai formed the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in 1949.[15] While continuing the Self-Respect Movement, he advocated for an independent Dravida Nadu (Dravidistan).[16]
Periyar propagated the principles of rationalism, self-respect, women's rights and eradication of caste. He opposed the exploitation and marginalization of the non-Brahmin indigenous Dravidian peoples of South India and the imposition of, what he considered, Indo-Aryan India. His work has greatly revolutionized Tamil society and has significantly removed caste-based discrimination. He is also responsible for bringing new changes to the Tamil alphabet. However, at the same time, Periyar is also held responsible for making controversial statements on the Tamil language, Dalits and Brahmins and for endorsing violence against Brahmins. The citation awarded by the UNESCO described Periyar as "the prophet of the new age, the Socrates of South East Asia, father of social reform movement and arch enemy of ignorance, superstitions, meaningless customs and base manners".[17]
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Biography
Early years
Periyar was born as Erode Venkata Ramasami Naicker on September 17, 1879, in the town of Erode,then a part of the Coimbatore District of the Madras Presidency.[18] Periyar's father, a rich businessman, was Venkatappa Naicker (or Venkata), and his mother was Chinna Thayammal, alias Muthammal. He had one elder brother named Krishnaswamy and two sisters named Kannamma and Ponnuthoy.[1][18] He later came to be known as "Periyar" meaning 'respected one' or 'elder' in Tamil.[1]
In 1929, Periyar announced the deletion of his caste surnameNaicker from his name at the First Provincial Self-Respect Conference of Chenggalpattu.[19] He could speak three Dravidian languages: Kannada, Tamil and Telugu. His mother tongue was Kannada.[20][21][22][23][24] Periyar attended school for five years after which he joined his father's trade at the age of 12. He used to listen to Tamil Vaishnavite gurus who gave discourses in his house enjoying his father's hospitality. At a young age, he began questioning the apparent contradictions in the Hindu mythological stories which he opined to be lies spread by the Indo-Aryan race.[1] As Periyar grew, he felt that people used religion only as a mask to deceive innocent people and therefore took it as one of his duties in life to warn people against superstitions and priests.[25]
Periyar's father arranged for his wedding when he was nineteen. The bride, Nagammai was only thirteen. It was not, altogether, an arranged marriage because Periyar and Nagammai had known each other and were already in love with each other. Nagammai actively supported her husband in his later public activities and agitations. Two years after their marriage, a girl child was born to them. However, this child lived only for five months. The couple had no more children[8]
Kasi Pilgrimage Incident
In 1904, Periyar went on a pilgrimage to Kasi to worship in the revered Siva temple of Kashi Vishwanath.[1][26] Though regarded as one of the holiest sites of Hinduism, he witnessed immoral activities, begging, and floating dead bodies.[1] His frustrations extended to functional Hinduism in general when he experience what he called Brahmanic exploitation.[27]
However, one particular incident in Kasi had a profound impact on Periyar's ideology and future work. At worship site there were free meals offered to guests. To Periyar's shock, he was refused meals at choultries which exclusively fed Brahmins. Due to extreme hunger, Periyar felt compelled to enter one of the choultries disguised as a Brahmin with a sacred thread on his bare chest, but was betrayed by his moustache. The gatekeeper at the temple concluded that Periyar was not a Brahmin as Brahmins were not permitted by the Hindu shastras to have moustaches. He not only prevented Periyar's entry but also pushed him rudely to the street.[1]
As his hunger became intolerable, Periyar was forced to feed on leftovers from the streets. Around this time, he realized that the choultry which had refused him entry was built by a wealthy non-Brahmin from South India.[1] This discriminatory attitude dealt a blow to Periyar's regard for Hinduism, for the events he had witnessed at Kasi were completely different from the picture of Kasi he had in mind, as a holy place which welcomed all.[1] Ramasami was a theist till his visit to Kasi, after which his views changed and he became an atheist.[28]
Member of Congress Party (1919-1925)
Periyar Ramaswamy joined the Indian National Congress in 1919 after quitting his business and resigning from public posts. He held the chairmanship of Erode Municipality and wholeheartedly undertook constructive programs spreading the use of Khadi, picketing toddy shops, boycotting shops selling foreign cloth, and eradicating untouchability. In 1921, Periyar courted imprisonment for picketing toddy shops in Erode. When his wife as well as his sister joined the agitation, it gained momentum, and the administration was forced to come to a compromise. He was again arrested during the Non-Cooperation movement and the Temperance movement.[11] In 1922, Periyar was elected the President of the Madras Presidency Congress Committee during the Tirupur session where he advocated strongly for reservation in government jobs and education. His attempts were defeated in the Congress party due to a strong presence of discrimination and indifference. He later quit the party on those grounds in 1925.[12]
Vaikom Satyagraha (1924-1925)
In Vaikom, a small town in Kerala state, then Travancore, there were strict laws of untouchability in and around the temple area. Dalits, also known as Harijans were not allowed into the close streets around and leading to the temple, let alone inside it. Anti-caste feelings were growing and in 1924 Vaikom was chosen as a suitable place for an organized Satyagraha, passive resistance campaign as practiced by Gandhi. Under his guidance a movement had already begun with the aim of giving all castes the right to enter the temples. Thus, agitations and demonstrations took place. On April 14, Periyar and his wife Nagamma arrived in Vaikom. They were met with arrest and imprisoned for participation. In spite of Gandhi's objection to non-Keralites and non-Hindus taking part, Periyar and his followers continued to give support to the movement till it was withdrawn. He received the title Vikkom Veeran, mostly given by his Tamil followers who participated in the Satyagraha.[29][30] However, a considerable section of intellectuals feel that Periyar's participation in the Indian independence movement and his contribution in the Vaikom Satyagraha have been highly exaggerated.[31]
The way in which the Vaikom Satyagraha events have been recorded provides a clue to the image of the respective oraganizers. In an article entitle Gandhi and Ambedkar, A Study in Leadership, Eleanor Zelliot relates the 'Vaikom Satyagraha' including Gandhi's negotiations with the temple authorities in relation to the event. Furthermore, the editor of Periyar's Thoughts states that Brahmins purposely suppressed news about Periyar's participation. A leading Congress magazine Young India in its extensive reports on Vaikom never mentions Periyar.[27]
Self-Respect Movement
Periyar and his followers campaigned constantly to influence and pressurize the government to take measures for removing social inequality even while other nationalist forerunners focused on the struggle for political independence. The Self-Respect Movement was described from the beginning, as "dedicated to the goal of giving non-Brahmins a sense of pride based on their Dravidian past".[32]
In 1952, the Periyar Self-Respect Movement Institution was registered with a list of objectives of the institution from which may be quoted as
for the diffusion of useful knowledge of political education; to allow people to live a life of freedom from slavery to anything against reason and self respect; to do away with needless customs, meaningless ceremonies, and blind superstitious beliefs in society; to put an end to the present social system in which caste, religion, community and traditional occupations based on the accident of birth, have chained the mass of the people and created "superior" and "inferior" classes... and to give people equal rights; to completely eradicate untouchability and to establish a united society based on brother/sisterhood; to give equal rights to women; to prevent child marriages and marriages based on law favorable to one sect, to conduct and encourage love marriages, widow marriages, inter caste and inter-religious marriages and to have the marriages registered under the Civil Law; and to establish and maintain homes for orphans and widows and to run educational institutions.[26]
Propagation of the philosophy of self respect became the full-time activity of Periyar since 1925. A Tamil weekly Kudi Arasu started in 1925, while the English journal Revolt started in 1928 carried on the propaganda among the English educated people.[33] The Self-Respect Movement began to grow fast and received the sympathy of the heads of the Justice Party from the beginning. In May 1929, a conference of Self-Respect Volunteers was held at Pattukkotai under the presidency of S. Guruswami. K.V. Alagiriswami took charge as the head of the volunteer band. Conferences followed in succession throughout the Tamil districts of the former Madras Presidency. A training school in Self-Respect was opened at Erode, the home town of Periyar. The object was not just to introduce social reform but to bring about a social revolution to foster a new spirit and build a new society.[34]
International travel (1929-1932)
Between 1929 and 1935, under the strain of World Depression, political thinking worldwide received a jolt from the spread of international communism.[13] Indian political parties, movements and considerable sections of leadership were also affected by inter-continental ideologies. The Self-Respect Movement also came under the influence of the leftist philosophies and institutions. Periyar after establishing the Self-Respect Movement as an independent institution began to look for strengthening it politically and socially. And for this, he undertook a study of the history and politics of different countries combined with personal observation of the systems at work.[13]
Periyar toured Malaysia for a month from December 1929 to January 1930 to propagate the self-respect philosophy. Embarking on his journey from Nagapattinam with his wife Nagammal and his followers, Periyar was received by 50,000 Tamil Malaysians in Penang. During the same month, he inaugurated the Tamils Conference convened by the Tamils Reformatory Sangam in Ipoh and then went to Singapore. In December 1931 he undertook a tour of Europe, accompanied by S. Ramanathan and Erode Ramu, to personally acquaint himself with their political systems, social movements, way of life, economic and social progress and administration of public bodies. He visited Egypt, Greece, Turkey, Russia, Germany, England, Spain, France and Portugal, staying in Russia for three months. On his return journey he halted at Ceylon and returned to India in November 1932.[13]
The tour shaped the political ideology of Periyar to achieve the social concept of Self-Respect. The communist system obtained in Russia appealed to him as appropriately suited to deal with the social ills of the country. Thus, on socio-economic issues Periyar was Marxist, but he did not advocate for abolishing private ownership.[35] Immediately after his return, Periyar in alliance with the enthusiastic communist M. Singaravelu Chettiar, began to work out a socio-political scheme incorporating socialist and self-respect ideals. This marks a crucial stage of development in the Self-Respect Movement which got politicized and found its compatibility in Tamil Nadu.[13]
Opposition to Hindi
In 1937, when Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari became the Chief Minister of Madras state, he introduced Hindi as a compulsory language of study in schools, igniting thereby a series of anti-Hindi agitations.[36] Tamil nationalists, the Justice Party under Sir A. T. Panneerselvam, and Periyar organized anti-Hindi protests in 1938 which ended with numerous arrests by the Rajaji government.[37]
During the same year, the slogan "Tamil Nadu for Tamilians"[38] was first raised by Periyar in protest against the introduction of Hindi in schools. He explained that the introduction of Hindi was a dangerous mechanism used to the infiltration of Aryans on Dravidian culture.[38] He reasoned that the adoption of Hindi would make Tamils subordinate to Hindi-speaking North Indians. Periyar explained that Hindi would not only halt the progress of Tamilians but would completely destroy their culture and nullify the progressive ideas that had been successfully inculcated through Tamil in the recent decades.[39]
Cutting across party lines, South Indian politicians rallied together in their opposition to Hindi[40] There were recurrent anti-Hindi agitations in 1948, 1952 and 1965. [41]
As President of the Justice Party (1938-1944)
A political party known as the South Indian Libertarian Federation (commonly referred to as Justice party) was founded in 1916, principally to oppose the economic and political power of the Brahmin jati groups. The party's goal was to render social justice to non-Brahmin groups. In order to gain the support of the masses, non-Brahmin politicians began propagating an ideology of equality among non-Brahmin jati groups. Brahmanical priesthood and Sanskritic social class-value hierarchy were blamed for the existence of inequalities among non-Brahmin jati groups.[42]
In 1937, when the government required that Hindi be taught in the school system, Periyar organized opposition through the Justice Party to this policy. After 1937, the Dravidian movement derived considerable support from the student community. In later years, opposition to Hindi played a big role in the politics of Tamil Nadu. The fear of the Hindi language had its origin in the conflict between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. To the Tamils, acceptance of Hindi in the school system was a form of bondage. When the Justice Party weakened in the absence of mass support, Periyar took over the leadership of the party after being jailed for opposing Hindi in 1939.[14] Under his tutelage the party prospered, but the party's conservative members, most of whom were rich and educated, withdrew from active participation.[42]
Dravidar Kazhagam (1944-onwards)
Formation of the Dravidar Kazhagam
At a rally in 1944, Periyar, in his capacity as the leader of the Justice Party, declared that the party would henceforth be known as the Dravidar Kazhagam or "Dravidian Association". However, a few who disagreed with Periyar started a splinter group claiming to be the original Justice Party. This party was led by veteran Justice Party leader P. T. Rajan and survived till 1957.
The Dravidar Kazhagam came to be well known amongst the urban communities and students. Villages were influenced by its message. Hindi, and ceremonies that had become associated with Brahmanical priesthood, were identified as alien symbols that should be eliminated from Tamil culture. Brahmins, who were regarded as the guardians of such symbols, came under verbal attack.[15] From 1949 onwards, the Dravidar Kazhagam intensified social reformist work and put forward the fact that the superstitions were the cause for the degeneration of Dravidians. The Dravidar Kazhagam vehemently fought for the abolition of untouchability amongst the Dalits. It also focused its attention on the liberation of women, women's education, willing marriage, widow marriage, orphanages and mercy homes.[43]
Split with Annadurai
In 1949, Periyar's chief lieutenant, Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai established a separate association called the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), or (Dravidian Advancement Association).[15] This was due to differences between the two where Periyar advocated a separate independent Dravidian or Tamil state, while Annadurai compromised with the Delhi government combined with claims of increased state independence.[44] Periyar was convinced that individuals and movements that undertake the task of eradicating the social evils in the Indian sub-continent have to pursue the goal with devotion and dedication without deviating from the path and with uncompromising zeal. Thus, if they contest elections aiming to assume political power, they would lose vigor and sense of purpose. But amongst his followers, there were those who had a different view. They wanted to enter into politics and have a share in running the government. They were looking for an opportunity to part with Periyar.[citation needed] Thus, when Periyar got married to Maniammai on July 9, 1948, they quit the Dravidar Kazhagam stating that Periyar set a bad example by marrying a young woman in his old age - he was 70 and she 30. Those who parted company with Periyar also joined the DMK.[9] Though the DMK split from the Dravidar Kazhagam, the organization made efforts to carry on Periyar's Self-Respect Movement to the villagers and the urban students. The DMK advocated the thesis that the Tamil language was much richer than Sanskrit and Hindi in content, and thus was a key which opened the door to subjects to be learned.[15] The Dravidar Kazhagam continued to counter Brahminism, Indo-Aryan propaganda, and uphold the Dravidians' right of self-determination.[45]
Later years
In 1956, despite warnings from P. Kakkan, the President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee, Periyar organized a procession to the Marina in order to burn pictures of the Hindu God Rama.[46] Periyar was subsequently arrested and confined to prison.[46]
The activities of Periyar continued when he went to Bangalore in 1958 to participate in the All India Official Language Conference. There he stressed the need to retain English as the Union Official Language instead of Hindi. Five years later, Periyar travelled to North India to advocate on the eradication of the caste system. Nearing Periyar's last years, an award was given to him by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and it was presented to him by the Union Education Minister, Triguna Sen in Madras (Chennai) on June 27, 1970. In his last meeting at Thiagaraya Nagar, Chennai on December 19, 1973, Periyar declared a call for action to gain social equality and a dignified way of life. On December 24, 1973 Periyar died at the age of 94.[9]
Principles and legacy
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Periyar spent over fifty years working towards educating the people through his speeches. He propagated the realization that everyone is an equal citizen and the differences on basis of caste and creeds were man-made to keep the innocent and ignorant as underdogs in the society. Although Periyar's speeches were targeted towards illiterate and more mundane mass, scores of educated people followed them. These educated elites earlier knew nothing about how a few were propagating blind beliefs and caste distinction for their own selfish ends.[47]
Periyar considered reasoning as a special tool. According to him, all were blessed with his tool but very few use it. Thus it was reasoning that was used in Periyar's material, with respect to related subjects of social interest, presented to his audiences.[47]
Periyar was not only a social revolutionary but also a champion of the underprivileged. His sphere of activity was wide and when he took up an issue he went deep into it, understanding the aspects, and did not rest until he found a permanent solution. Communal differences in Tamil society were deep-rooted and appeared to be permanent features until Periyar came to the scene.[48]
Cho Ramaswamy wrote an article on E. V. Ramasami Naicker and C. N. Annadurai in the English magazine India Today. Cho remarked:
"Periyar was accepted and acclaimed as the leader by a significant section of the Tamil population in spite of all his contempt for Tamil and disdain for Tamils only because he was perceived to be a genuine individual, a rarity among those in public life. There was no shade of hypocrisy in him and he never attempted sophistry while propounding his social philosophy. And what a philosophy it was![49]
Rationalism
The bedrock of Periyar's principles and the movements that he started was rationalism. What drew him to public service and made him dedicate his life to it was man's inhumanity to man. He found that an insignificant minority in society was exploiting the majority and trying to keep them in a subordinate position forever. To set matters right, he wanted the exploited to sit up and think about their position. Unless they exercised their reason, there wouldn't be a realization that they were being exploited by a handful of people. If they started thinking, they would realize that they were human beings like the rest, that birth did not and should not endow superiority over others, and that they must awaken themselves and do everything possible to improve their own lot.[47]
It was not an easy task for Periyar to create this awakening among the people who had, for generations, got used to a subordinate position. Most of them did not know that their subordinate position had been brought about by the cunning schemes of self-seekers. Thus, Periyar spoke to the people on innumerable platforms, over the years to arouse their thinking power.[47]
Likewise, Periyar explained that wisdom lies in thinking and that the spear-head of thinking is rationalism. On caste, he stated that no other living being harms or degrades its own class. But man, said to be a rational living being does these evils. The differences, hatred, enmity, degradation, poverty, and wickedness, now prevalent in the society are due to lack of wisdom and rationalism and not due to God or the cruelty of time.[50]
Periyar also blamed the capitalists for their control of machineries, creating difficulties to the workers. Consequently rationalism, which has to lead the way for peaceful life to all, had resulted in causing poverty and worries to the people because of dominating forces. He went on to explain that there is no use of simply acquiring titles or amassing wealth if one has no self-respect and scientific knowledge. An example he showed was the West sending messages to the planets, while the Tamil society in India were sending rice and cereals to their dead fore-fathers through the Brahmins.[50]
In a message to the Brahmin community, Periyar stated, "in the name of god, religion, and sastras you have duped us. We were the ruling people. Stop this life of cheating us from this year. Give room for rationalism and humanism".[51] He further explained that "any opposition not based on rationalism, science, or experience will one day or another, reveal the fraud, selfishness, lies and conspiracies".[51]
Self-Respect
Periyar's philosophy of self-respect, was based on his image of an ideal world and a universally accepted one. It is a philosophy preaching that human actions should be based on rational thinking. Further, it is an outcome of the natural instinct of human beings to examine every object and every action and even nature with a spirit of inquiry; and to refuse to submit to anything irrational as equivalent to slavery. Thus, the philosophy of Self-Respect taught that human actions should be guided by reason; right and wrong should follow from rational thinking, and; conclusions drawn from reason should be respected under circumstances. Freedom means respect to thoughts and actions considered 'right' by human beings on the basis of 'reason'. There is not much difference between 'freedom' and 'self-respect'.[52]
Periyar's foremost appeal to people was to develop self-respect. He preached that the Brahmins have monopolized and cheated other communities for decades and deprived them of self-respect. He continued to remind them that most Brahmins claimed to belong to a "superior" community with the reserved privilege of being in charge of temples and performing archanas. He felt that they were trying to reassert their control over religion by using their superior caste status to claim the exclusive privilege to touch idols or enter the sanctum sanctorum. He claimed that in certain places the scheduled caste people were not allowed to use the tanks, wells and at times even the streets used by Brahmins. Though sporadic caste-violence and atrocities continue to occur in Tamil Nadu, discrimination has largely been eliminated due to Periyar's agitations against these unjust restrictions.[48]
Women's rights
As a rationalist and ardent social reformer, Periyar advocated forcefully, throughout his life, that women should be given their legitimate position in society as the equals of men and that they should be given good education and also the right to property. He was keen that women should realize their rights and be worthy citizens of their country.[53]
Periyar fought against the orthodox traditions of marriage as suppression of women in Tamil Nadu and throughout the Indian sub-continent. Though arranged marriages were meant to enable a couple to live together throughout life, it was manipulated to enslave women.[54] Much worse was the practice of child marriages practiced throughout India at the time. It was believed that it would be a sin to marry after puberty.[55] Another practice, which is prevalent today, is the dowry system where the bride's family is supposed to give the husband a huge payment for the bride. The purpose of this was to assist the newly wedded couple financially, but in many instances dowries were misused by bridegrooms. The outcome of this abuse turned to the exploitation of the bride's parents wealth, and in certain circumstances, lead to dowry deaths.[56] There have been hundreds of thousands of cases where wives have been murdered, mutilated, and burned alive because the father of the bride was unable to make the dowry payment to the husband. Periyar fiercely stood up against this abuse meted out against women.[57]
Women in India also did not have rights to their families' or husbands' property. Periyar fought fiercely for this and also advocated for the women to have the right to separate or divorce their husbands under reasonable circumstances.[57] While birth control remained taboo in society of Periyar's time, he advocated for it not only for the health of women and population control, but for the liberation of women.[51]
He criticized the hypocrisy of chastity for women and argued that it should also either belong to men, or not at all for both individuals.[58] While fighting against this, Periyar advocated to get rid of the Devadasi system. In his view it was an example of a list of degradations of women attaching them to temples for the entertainment of others, and as temple prostitutes.[59] As a further liberation of women, Periyar pushed for the right of women to have an education and to join the armed services and the police force.[58][60]
Periyar and his movement have achieved a better status for women in Tamil society. It was his conviction that in matters of education and employment there should be no difference between men and women. There was a time when no girl opted for engineering studies, or parents thought of sending their daughter to an engineering college. Today, lots of young women can be found studying at engineering and medical colleges in Tamil Nadu.[48]
His influence in the State departments and even the Center have made it possible for women to join police departments and having posts in the army. Periyar was engaged in strenuous propaganda against child marriage and now the government has fixed the minimum age for the marriage of girls to be eighteen. Through his advocacy for the equality of men and women, girls started to receive rights over ancestral property along with male children. Considering the growth in the percentage of Indian population, there are State governments encouraging birth control now. Periyar confronted this problem even over fifty years ago. He advised married people to limit the birth of children so that both men and women can be able to contribute their society. In one of his meetings he even wondered why the scientists should not think of producing test tube babies.[48]
Social reform and eradication of caste
Periyar wanted thinking people to realize that their society was far from perfect and that it is in urgent need of reform. He wanted the Government, the political parties and social workers to identify the evils in society and boldly adopt measures to remove them.[61] Periyar's philosophy did not differentiate social and political service.[62] According to him, the first duty of a government is to run the social organization efficiently, and that the philosophy of religion was to organize the social system. Periyar pointed out that while Christian and Islamic religions were fulfilling this role, the Hindu religion remained totally unsuitable for social progress. Conditions appeared to him such that the government was not for the people, but, in a "topsy-turvey" manner, the people were for the government. He attributed this situation to the state of the social system contrived for the advantage of a small group of people.[62]
One of the areas of Periyar's focus was on the upliftment of rural communities. In a booklet called Village Uplift, Periyar plead for rural reform. It should be stressed in this context that rural India still forms the largest part of the Indian subcontinent in spite of the ongoing process of urbanization. Thus, the distinction between rural and urban has meant an economic and social degradation for the rural inhabitant. Periyar wanted to eradicate the concept of "village" as a discrimination word among places just as the concept outcast among social groups. Periyar advocated for a location where neither the name nor the situation or its conditions imply differences among people.[63] He further advocated for the modernization of villages by providing public facilities such as schools, libraries, radio stations, roads, bus transport, and police stations.[64]
Periyar felt that a small number of cunning people created caste distinctions in order to dominate over society. That was why he emphasized the view that we must first develop self-respect and learn to analyze propositions rationally. A self-respecting rationalist will readily realize that caste system has been stifling self-respect and therefore he will strive to get rid of this menace.[65]
Periyar explained that the caste system in south India is, due to Indo-Aryan influence, linked with the arrival of Brahmins from the north. Ancient Tamil Nadu (part of Tamilakkam) had a different stratification of society in four or five regions (Tinai), determined by natural surroundings and adequate means of living.[66] Periyar also mentions that birds, animals, and worms, which are considered to be devoid of rationalism do not create castes, or differences of high and low in their own species. But man considered to be a rational being, is suffering from these because of religion. He further explains that amongst dogs you do not have a Brahmin dog, or a Pariah (untouchable) dog. Among donkeys and monkeys we also do not find such things. But, amongst men there is such discrimination.[67]
Ideals and criticisms
Periyar's political ideal was to nullify the effect of perceived Brahmin power in favour of a Shudra power. The basis of this strategy is the assumed truth of the Aryan Invasion Theory, which attempts to view the Indian demography along racial dimensions—the Aryan North and the Dravidian South. Thus, the political ideal was a mix of casteism and racism.
Periyar's opponents accused him of attacking Hinduism and the Brahmin community. But his was targeted against Brahminism and not Brahmins, and the manipulation of Hinduism and not Hinduism as a faith. But, there are no statements attributed to Periyar on any manipulations by other religions such as Buddhism, Christianity, or Islam.
Periyar was listed amongst the top 100 most influential people amongst Tamil society of the 20th century.[9]
Tamil language and writing
Periyar claimed that Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, and Kannada came from the same tongue, or same mother language of Old Tamil. He explained that the Tamil language is called by four different names since it is spoken in four different Dravidian states,and thus she has four different names. Nevertheless, current understanding of Dravidian Languages contain statements contradicting such claims. For example, the currently known classification of Dravidian Languages provides the following distinct classes: Southern (including Tamil-Kannada (Malayalam) and Tulu); Central (including Telugu-Kui and Kolami-Parji); and, Northern (including Kurukh-Malto and Brahui). Additionally, statements on presence of evidence for linking Dravidian Languages and Indo-European Languages are available.
With relation to writing, Periyar stated that using the Tamil script about the arts which are useful to the people in their life and which foster knowledge, talent and courage, and propagating them among the masses, thereby will enlighten the people. Further, he explained that it will enrich the language, and thus it can be regarded as a zeal for Tamil.[68] Periyar also stated that if words of North Indian origin (Sanskrit) are removed from Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam all that will be left will only be Tamil. On the Brahmin usage of Tamil, he stated how the Tamil spoken by the Andrhas and the Malayalee peoples were far better than the Tamil spoken by the Brahmins. Periyar believed that Tamil language will make the Dravidian people unite under the banner of Tamil culture, and that it will make the Kannadigas, Andhras and the Malayalees be vigilant. With regards to a Dravidian alliance under a common unbrella language, Periyar stated that "a time will come for unity. This will go on till there is an end to the North Indian domination. We shall reclaim an independent sovereign state for us".[69]
At the same time, Periyar was also known to have issued controversial remarks on Tamil language and Tamil people from time to time. On one occasion, he referred to Tamil people as "barbarians"[70] and Tamil language as the "language of barbarians".[49][70][71][72][73] However, Anita Diehl explains that Periyar made these remarks on Tamil because it had no respective feminine verbal forms.[26]
Periyar's ideas on Tamil alphabet reforms and his reasons were for the following such as the vowel 'ஈ' (i), having a cursive and looped representation of the short form, 'இ' (I). In stone inscriptions of 400 or 500 years ago, many Tamil letters are found in other shapes. As a matter of necessity and advantage to cope with the printing technology, Periyar thought that it was sensible to change a few letters, reduce the number of letters, and alter a few signs. He further explained that the older and the more divine a language and its letters were said to be, they need reform. Because of changes brought about by means of modern transport and international contact, and happenings that have attracted words and products from many countries, foreign words and their pronunciations have been assimilated into Tamil quite easily. Just as a few compound characters have separate signs to indicate their length as in ' கா ' , ' கே ' (kA: , kE:), Periyar argued why should not other compound characters like ' கி ' , ' கீ ' , 'கு ' , ' கூ ' (kI, ki:,kU, ku:) (indicated integrally as of now), also have separate signs. Further, changing the shape of letters, creating new symbols and adding new letters and similarly, dropping those that are redundant, were quite essential according to Periyar. Thus, the glory and excellence of a language and its script depend on how easily they can be understood or learned and on nothing else" [26]
Thoughts on Thirukkural
Periyar hailed the Thirukkural as a valuable scripture which contained many scientific and philosophical truths. He also praised the secular nature of the work. Periyar praised Thiruvalluvar for his description of God as a formless entity with all positive attributes. He also suggested that one who reads the Thirukkural will became a Self-respecter absorbing knowledge in politics, society, and economics. Though certain items in this ancient book of ethics may not relate to today, Periyar explained that it permits such changes for today's society.[74]
On caste, he showed that the Kural illustrates how Vedic laws of Manu was against the Sudras and other communities of the Dravidian race. On the other hand, Periyar opined that the ethics from the Kural was comparable to the Christian Bible. The Dravidar Kazhagam adopted the Thirukkural and advocated that Thiruvalluvar's Kural alone was enough to educate the people of the country.[74] One of Periyar's quotes on the Thirukkural from Veeramani's Collected Works of Periyar was "when Dravida Nadu (Dravidistan) was a victim to Indo-Aryan deceit, Thirukkural was written by a great Dravidian Thiruvalluvar to free the Dravidians".[74]
Self-Determination of Dravidistan
The Dravidian-Aryan conflict was believed to be a continuous historical phenomenon that started when the Aryans first set their foot in the Dravidian lands. Even a decade before the idea of separation appeared, Periyar stated that, "as long as Aryan religion, Indo-Aryan domination, propagation of Aryan Vedas and Aryan "Varnashrama" existed, there was need for a "Dravidian Progressive Movement" and a "Self-Respect Movement".[75] Periyar became very concerned about the growing north Indian domination over the south which appeared to him no different from foreign domination. He wanted to secure the fruits of labor of the Dravidians to the Dravidians, and lamented that fields such as political, economic, industrial, social, art, and spiritual were dominated by the north for the benefit of the north Indians. Thus, with the approach of independence from Britain, this fear that North India would take the place of Britain to dominate south India became more and more intense.[76]
Periyar was clear about the concept of a separate multi-linguistic nation, comprising of Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada areas, that is roughly corresponding to the then existing Madras Presidency with adjoining areas into a federation guaranteeing protection of minorities, including religious, linguistic, and cultural freedom of the people. A separatist conference was held in June 1940 at Kanchipuram when Periyar released the map of the proposed Dravida Nadu, but failed to get British approval. On the contrary, Periyar received sympathy and support from people such as Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar and Muhammad Ali Jinnah for his views on the Congress, and for his opposition to Hindi. They then decided to convene a movement to resist the Congress.[75][77]
The concept of Dravida Nadu was later modified down to Tamil Nadu[78] This led to a proposal of a union of the Tamil people of not only South India but including those of Ceylon as well.[79] In 1953, Periyar helped to preserve Madras as the capital of Tamil Nadu, which later was the name he substituted for the more general Dravida Nadu.[80] In 1955 Periyar threatened to burn the national flag, but on Chief Minister Kamaraj's pledge that Hindi should not be compulsory he postponed the action.[26] In his speech of 1957 called Suthantara Tamil Nadu En? (Why an independent Tamil Nadu?), he criticized the Central Government of India inducing thousands of Tamilians to burn the constitution of India. The reason for this action was that Periyar held the Government responsible for maintaining the caste system. After stating reasons for separation and turning down opinions against it he closed his speech with a "war cry" to join and burn the map of India on June 5. Periyar was sentenced to six months imprisonment for burning the Indian constitution.[81]
Advocacy of such a nation became illegal when separatist demands were banned by law in 1957. Regardless of these measures, a Dravida Nadu Separation Day was observed on September 17, 1960 resulting in numerous arrests.[82] However, Periyar resumed his campaign in 1968. He wrote an editorial on 'Tamil Nadu for Tamilians' in which he stated, that by nationalism only Brahmins had prospered and nationalism had been developed to abolish the rights of Tamils. He advocated that there was need to establish a Tamil Nadu Freedom Organization and that it was necessary to work towards it.[83]
Anti-Brahmanism vs. Anti-Brahmin
Periyar was a radical advocate of anti-Brahmanism. His anti-brahmanism was evident from his comments to his followers that if they encountered a Brahmin and a snake on the road they should kill the Brahmin first.[84] He also used violent and vulgar language in his writings against Hindu gods.[85]
In 1920 when the Justice Party came to power, Brahmins occupied about 70 percent[10][86] of the high level posts in government. After reservation was introduced by the Justice Party, it reversed this trend, allowing non-brahmins to rise in the government of the Madras Presidency.[86] Periyar, through the Justice Party, advocated against the imbalance of the domination of Brahmins who constituted only 3 percent[10][87] of the Population over Government jobs, judiciary and the Madras University.[87] His Self-Respect Movement espoused rationalism and atheism and the movement had currents of anti-Brahminism.[88] Furthermore, Periyar stated that:
"Our Dravidian movement does not exist against the Brahmins or the Banias (a North Indian merchant caste). If anyone thinks so, I would only pity him. But we will not tolerate the ways in which Brahminism and the Bandiaism is degrading Dravidanadu. Whatever support they may have from the government, neither myself nor my movement will be of cowardice".[89][90]
However, at the same time, Periyar has also advocated the destruction of Brahmins.
"Only if the Brahmin is destroyed, caste will be destroyed. The Brahmin is a snake entangled in our feet. He will bite. If you take off your leg, that's all. Don't leave. Brahmin is not able to dominate because power is in the hands of the Tamilian[91]
Periyar also criticized Subramanya Bharathi in the journal Ticutar for portraying Mother Tamil as a sister of Sanskrit in his poems:
"They say Bharati is an immortal poet.…Even if a rat dies in an akrakāram, they would declare it to be immortal.…All of Tamilnadu praises him. Why should this be so? Supposedly because he sang fulsome praises of Tamil and Tamilnadu. What else could he sing? His own mother tongue, Sanskrit, has been dead for years. What other language did he know? He cannot sing in Sanskrit.…He says Tamilnadu is the land of Aryas."[92]
Despite Periyar's views on Anti-Brahminism,several Brahmins today,notably Actor Kamal Hassan[93] are Periyar followers.
Comparisons with Gandhi
In the Vaikom Satyagraha of 1924, Periyar and Gandhi both cooperated and confronted each other in socio-political action. Periyar and his followers emphasized the difference in point of view between Gandhi and himself on the social issues, such as fighting the Untouchability Laws and eradication of the caste system.
According to the booklet Gandhi and Periyar Periyar wrote in his paper Kudi Arasu, in 1925, reporting on the fact that Gandhi was ousted from the Mahasabha, because he opposed resolutions for the maintaining of caste and Untouchability Laws which would spoil his efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity. From this Gandhi learned the need of pleasing the Brahmins if anything was to be achieved.[94]
Peiryar in his references to Gandhi used opportunities to present Gandhi as on principle serving the interests of the Brahmins. in 1927, Periyar and Gandhi met at Bangalore to discuss this matter. The main difference between them came out when Periyar stood for the total eradication of Hinduism to which Gandhi objected saying that Hinduism is not fixed in doctrines but can be changed. In the Kudi Arasu, Periyar explained that:
"With all his good qualities, Gandhi did not bring the people forward from foolish and evil ways. His murderer was an educated man. Therefore nobody can say this is a time of high culture. If you eat poison you will die. If electricity hits the body you will die. If you oppose the Brahmin you will die. Gandhi did not advocate the eradication of Varnasrama Dharma structure but sees in it a task for the humanization of society and social change possible within its structure. The consequence of this would be continued high-caste leadership. Gandhi adapted Brahmins to social change without depriving them of their leadership".[94]
Thus, Gandhi did not advocate the eradication of the Varnasrama Dharma structure but saw in it a task for the humanization of society and social change possible within its structure. The consequence of this would be continued high-caste leadership. Gandhi accepted karma in the sense that "the Untouchables reap the reward of their karma,[94] but was against discrimination against them using the revaluing term Harijans. As shown in the negotiations at Vaikom his methods of abolishing discrimination were: to stress on the orthodox inhumane treatment of Untouchables; to secure voluntary lifting of the ban by changing the hearts of caste Hindus; and to work within a Hindu framework of ideas.[94]
On the Temple Entry issue Gandhi never advocated the opening of Garbha Griha to Harijans in consequence of his Hindu belief. These sources which can be labelled "pro-Periyar" with the exception of M. Mahar and D.S. Sharma, clearly show that Periyar and his followers emphasized that Periyar was the real fighter for the removal of Untouchability and the true uplift of Hairjans, whereas Gandhi was not. This did not prevent Periyar from having faith in Gandhi on certain matters.[94]
Religion and atheism
Periyar was generally regarded as a pragmatic propagandist who attacked the evils of religious influence on society, mainly what he regarded as Brahmin domination. At a young age, he felt that some people used religion only as a mask to deceive innocent people and considered it as his life's mission to warn people against superstitions and priests.[25] Anita Diehl explains that Periyar cannot be called an atheist philosopher. Periyar, however, qualified for the definition of what the term 'atheist' implies in his address on philosophy. He repudiated the term as without real sense: "…the talk of the atheist should be considered thoughtless and erroneous. The thing I call god... that makes all people equal and free, the god that does not stop free thinking and research, the god that does not ask for money, flattery and temples can certainly be an object of worship. For saying this much I have been called an atheist, a term that has no meaning".[26]
Anita Diehl explains that Periyar was against incompatibility of faith with social equality and not religion itself.[95] In a book on revolution published in 1961, Periyar stated, "be of help to people. Do not use treachery or deceit. Speak the truth and do not cheat. That indeed is service to God".[96]
On Hinduism, Periyar believed that it was a religion with no distinctive sacred book (bhawad gita), or origins, but to be an imaginary faith preaching the "superiority" of the Brahmins, the inferiority of the Shudras, and the untouchability of the Dalits (Panchamas).[38] Maria Misra, a lecturer at Oxford University, compares him to the philosophes, by stating, "his contemptuous attitude to the baleful influence of Hinduism in Indian public life is strikingly akin to the anti-Catholic diatribes of the enlightenment philosophes".[97] In 1955, Periyar was arrested for his public agitation of burning the pictures of Rama at public places, as a symbolic protest against the Indo-Aryan domination and degradation of the Dravidian leadership according to the Ramayana epic.[98] Periyar also shoed the images of Krishna and Rama, stating that they were Aryan gods that considered the Dravidian Shudras to be "sons of prostitutes".[99]
Periyar openly suggested to those who were marginalized within the Hindu communities to consider converting to other faiths such as Islam, Christianity, or Buddhism. On Islam, he stated how it was good for abolishing the disgrace in human relationship, based on one of his speeches to railway employees at Tiruchirapalli in 1947. Periyar also commended Islam for its belief in one invisible and formless God; proclamation of equal rights for men and women; and advocating of social unity.[100]
At the rally in Tiruchi, Periyar said:
"Muslims are following the ancient philosophies of the Dravidians. The Arabic word for Dravidian religion is Islam. When Brahmanism was imposed in this country, it was Mohammad Nabi who opposed it, by instilling the Dravidian religion's policies as Islam in the minds of the people"[101]
Periyar viewed Christianity similar to the monotheistic faith of Islam. He explained that their faith says that there can be only one God which has no name or shape. Periyar took an interest in Rev. Martin Luther, where both he an this followers wanted to liken him and his role to that of the European reformer. Thus, Christian views such as that of Ram Mohan Roy's The Precepts of Jesus has had at least an indirect influence on Periyar.[102]
Apart from Islam and Christianity, Periyar also found in Buddhism a basis for his philosophy though he did not accept that religion. It was again an alternative in the search for self-respect and the object was to get liberation from the discrimination of Hinduism.[103] Through Periyar's movement Temple Entry Acts of 1924, 1931, and up to 1950 were created for the non-Brahmins. Another accomplishment took place during the 1970s when Tamil replaced Sanskrit as the Temple language in Tamil Nadu, while Dalits were finally eligible for priesthood.[26]
Controversies
Comments on Brahmins,Dalits and Religious Minorities
However, Dalit intellectual Ravikumar claims that Periyar was not much of a supporter of the minorities. He cites Periyar's sayings from the book "Periyar E V R Sinthanaigal" by Anaimuthu in support of this claim
We feared the Brahmin, and yielded extra space to Muslims. We are facing the consequences today. It's like that proverb: Fearing the dung, we have stepped on shit. If sahibs (meaning Muslims) get proportionate representation and the Scheduled Castes get representation in jobs and education and if the rest of the slots are monopolised by Brahmins, O Shudra, what will be your future[104][105]
These comments, along with other controversial comments allegedly made by Periyar, were also perceived as anti-Dalit by a section of the intelligensia and were the subject of a book "'E V Ramasamy Naickarin Marupakkam" or "The other side of E V Ramasamy Naicker" written by M. Venkatesan.[73] However, Dalit leader and founder of Puthiya Tamizhagam K. Krishnasamy praises Periyar and credits him for administering justice to Dalits during the 1957 Ramnad riots.[106] His views are echoed by Punitha Pandian of Dalit Murasu.[106]
In 1954, Periyar controversially referred to Tamil Nadu's Christians and Muslims as non-Tamils.[105]
Factionism in the Justice Party
In 1930,when B.Munuswamy Naidu became the Chief Minister of Madras Presidency,he endorsed the inclusion of Brahmins in the Justice Party saying:
So long as we exclude one community, we cannot as a political speak on behalf of or claim to represent all the people of our presidency. If, as we hope, provincial autonomy is given to the provinces as a result of the reforms that may be granted, it should be essential that our Federation should be in a position to claim to be a truly representative body of all communities. What objection can there be to admit such Brahmins as are willing to subscribe to the aims and objects of our Federation? It may be that the Brahmins may not join even if the ban is removed. But surely our Federation will not thereafter be open to objection on the ground that it is an exclusive organization.[107]
Though certain members supported the resolution,a faction in the Justice Party known as the "Ginger Group" opposed the resolution and eventually voted it down.Periyar who was then an observer in the Justice Party criticised Munuswamy Naidu saying:
At a time when non-Brahmins in other parties were gradually coming over to the Justice Party, being fed up with the Brahmin's methods and ways of dealing with political questions, it was nothing short of folly to think of admitting him into the ranks of the Justice Party.[107]
This factionism continued till 1932 when Munuswamy Naidu stepped down as the Chief Minister of Madras and the Raja of Bobbili became the chief minister.[107]
Violence by Periyar's followers
In response to Hindu processions during Ganesha Chathurthi and Ram Navami, Periyar led processions which slippered and broke idols of Rama, Lakshmana and Pillaiyar.[108] Though Periyar claimed to follow peaceful means of protest, nevertheless, these processions often caused violent clashes between Periyar's followers and theists, represented in modern times by right-wing organisations as Hindu Munnani and Hindu Makkal Katchi.[108] From time to time, activists of the Dravidar Kazhagam have also launched physical attacks on Brahmins.[108] Tempers reached a boiling point when a member of the Dravidar Kazhagam tried to assassinate Rajagopalachari.[109] The attack was, however, unsuccessful and was severely condemned by Periyar who prohibited the usage of violence.[109]
On December 7, 2006, a statue of Periyar opposite the Ranganathaswamy temple at Srirangam was defaced by activists of the Hindu Makkal Katchi.[110][111] Supporters of Periyar retaliated with violence against Hindu mutts and temples.[108][112] Petrol bombs were allegedly hurled and devotees attacked at Ayodhya Mandapam, a Hindu religious congregational centre in West Mambalam, by members of Thanthai Periyar Dravidar Kazhagam, a splinter group of the Dravidar Kazhagam.[108][111][112]
Followers and influence
After the death of Periyar in 1973, conferences were held throughout Tamil Nadu for a week in January 1974. The same year Periyar's wife, Maniyammai, the new head of the Dravidar Kazhagam, set fire to the effigies of 'Rama', 'Sita' and 'Lakshmana' at Periyar Thidal, Madras. This was a retaliation to the Ramaleela celebrations where effigies of 'Ravana', 'Kumbakarna' and 'Indrajit' were burnt in New Delhi. For this act she was imprisoned. During the 1974 May Day meetings held at different places in Tamil Nadu, a resolution urging the Government to preserve 80 percent[10] of jobs for Tamils was passed. Soon after this, a camp was held at Periyar Mansion in Tiruchirapalli to train young men and women to spread the ideals of the Dravidar Kazhagam in rural areas.[10]
On Periyar's Birthday of September 17, 1974, Periyar's Rationalist Library and Research Library and Research Institute was opened by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi. This library contained Periyar's rationalist works, the manuscripts of Periyar and his recorded speeches.[65] Also during the same year Periyar's ancestral home in Erode, was dedicated as a commemoration building. On February 20, 1977, the opening function of Periyar Building in Madras was held. At the meeting which the Managing Committee of the Dravidar Kazhagam held, there on that day, it was decided to support the candidates belonging to the Najata Party, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), and the Marxist Party during the General Elections.[10]
On March 16, 1978, Maniyammai died. The Managing Committee of the Dravidar Kazhagam elected K. Veeramani as General Secretary of the Dravidar Kazhagam on March 17, 1978. From then on, the Periyar-Maniyammai Educational and Charitable Society started the Periyar Centenary Women's Polytechnic at Thanjavur on September 21, 1980. On May 8, 1982, the College for Correspondence Education was started under the auspices of the Periyar Rationalist Propaganda Organization.[10]
Over the years, Periyar's influence had an impact on Tamil Nadus political party heads such as former Chief Minister C.N. Annadurai[9] and present Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi[113] of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam' (DMK), V. Gopalswamy[114][115] founder of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), S. Ramadoss[116] founder of the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), Thol. Thirumavalavan, founder of the Dalit Panthers of India (DPI), and Dravidar Kazhagam's K. Veeramani.[117] Other political figures influenced by Periyar were former Congress minister K. Kamaraj,[9] former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mayawati.[118] Periyar's life and teachings have also influenced writers and poets such as Kavignar Inkulab, and Bharathidasan [119] including actors such as Kamal Hassan[93] and Sathyaraj.[120] Noted Tamil Comedian N. S. Krishnan was a close friend and follower of Periyar.[121][122]W. P. A. Soundarapandian Nadar was a close confidant of Periyar and encouraged Nadars to be a part of the Self-Respect Movement.[123][124]
In popular culture
Sathyaraj and Khushboo Sundar starred in a government-sponsored film on Periyar E. V. Ramaswami released in 2007. Directed by Gnana Rajasekaran, the film was screened in Malayisa on May 1, 2007 and was screened at the Goa International Film Festival in November that year.[125] The president of the Dravidar Kazhagam, K. Veeramani, said there were plans to dub the film in Hindi and other foreign languages, including French.[126]Sathyaraj will be respiring his role as Periyar in the film Kalavadiya Pozhudugal directed by Thangar Bachan which will release in late 2010.[127][128]
Notes
- ^ a b c d e f g h i "About Periyar: A Biographical Sketch from 1879 to 1909". Dravidar Kazhagam. http://www.periyar.org/html/ap_bios_eng1.asp. Retrieved 2008-09-06.
- ^ Mehta, Vrajendra Raj; Thomas Pantham (2006). Political Ideas in Modern India: thematic explorations. Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks. p. 48. ISBN 9780761934202. http://books.google.com/?id=KJejtAaonsEC&pg=PA48&lpg=PA48&dq=%22Self-respect+movement%22.
- ^ Arora, N.D.; S.S. Awasthy (2007). Political Theory and Political Thought. Har-Anand Publications: New Delhi. pp. 425. ISBN 9788124111642. http://books.google.com/?id=szBpnYfmH0cC&pg=PA425&lpg=PA425&dq=%22Self-respect+movement%22.
- ^ Thakurta, Paranjoy Guha; Shankar Raghuraman (2004). A Time of Coalitions: Divided We Stand, Sage Publications: New Delhi, p. 230.
- ^ a b Arooran, K. Nambi (1980). Tamil renaissance and Dravidian nationalism, 1905-1944. p. 152.
- ^ Vicuvanātan, Ī. Ca (1983). The political career of E.V. Ramasami Naicker: a study in the politics of Tamil Nadu, 1920-1949. p. 23.
- ^ ,a Merchant Caste of Telugu Ancestry who descended from the migrant commanders of Vijayanagar Empire
- ^ a b Gopalakrishnan, M.D. (1991) Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, Chennai. Emerald Publishers, p. 3.
- ^ a b c d e f "One Hundred Tamils of the 20th Century - Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy". TamilNation.org. http://www.tamilnation.org/hundredtamils/periyar.htm. Retrieved 2009-01-17.[dead link]
- ^ a b c d e f g Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 50 & 52.
- ^ a b "Biography of Periyar E.V. Ramasami (1879-1973)". Barathidasan University. http://www.evrperiyar-bdu.org/biography.htm. Retrieved 2008-09-06.
- ^ a b Kandasamy, W.B. Vansantha; Florentin Smarandache; K. Kandasamy (2005). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. HEXIS: Phoenix. p. 106. ISBN 9781931233002. http://books.google.com/?id=hgb-MKcsSR0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Fuzzy+and+neutrosophic+analysis+of+Periyar%27s+views+on+untouchability#PPA106,M1.
- ^ a b c d e Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 54.
- ^ a b Kandasamy, (2005-12-01). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. American Research Press. p. 109. ISBN 9781931233002. http://books.google.com/?id=hgb-MKcsSR0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Fuzzy+and+neutrosophic+analysis+of+Periyar%27s+views+on+untouchability#PPA109,M1.
- ^ a b c d e Pandian, J., (1987).Caste, Nationalism, and Ethnicity. Popular Prakashan Private Ltd.: Bombay, p. 64.
- ^ Chatterjee, Debi, [January 1981](2004) Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar. Rawat Publications: Chennai , p. 42.
- ^ Kandasamy, (2005-12-01). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. American Research Press. p. 104. ISBN 9781931233002. http://books.google.com/?id=hgb-MKcsSR0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Fuzzy+and+neutrosophic+analysis+of+Periyar%27s+views+on+untouchability#PPA104,M1.
- ^ a b Journal of Indian history, Volume 54, By University of Allahabad, P.175
- ^ Saraswathi, S. (2004) Towards Self-Respect. Institute of South Indian Studies, p. 6.
- ^ http://books.google.com/books?id=WWEk1p_b5YUC&pg=PA150&dq
- ^ http://books.google.com/books?id=7ENOnADOlncC&pg=PA92&dq
- ^ "About Periyar: Revolutionary Sayings". Dravidar Kazhagam. http://www.periyar.org/html/ap_sayings_eng.asp. Retrieved 2008-11-30.
- ^ He has declared himself as a Kannadiga in many of his meetings. An excrept from one of his meetings: "Many people say I am not a Tamilian myself. They are saying this because my mother tongue is Kannada. Many think that I am a Telugu Nayudu.The truth is that I am a Kannadiga from the Balija Nayudu caste. "Periyar E.V.R's speeches, Dravidar Kazhakam publication, 1990, Chennai
- ^ While explaining why he chose to rename the Justice Party as Dravida Kazhagam in 1944, he said in the Salem party conference "Kannappar is a Telugu, I am a Kannadiga and Annadurai is Tamil. While i am open to calling myself a Tamil, other Kannidagas won't.Thus the name "Dravida Kazhagam"."Periyar E.V.R's speeches, Dravidar Kazhakam publication, 1990, Chennai
- ^ a b Veeramani, K. (1992) Periyar on Women's Rights. Emerald Publishers: Madras, Introduction - xi.
- ^ a b c d e f g Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- ^ a b Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6..
- ^ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 14-17.
- ^ Deihl, Anita, "E.V. Ramasamy Naicker-Periyar", pp. 22-24
- ^ Kent, David. "Periyar". ACA. http://www.atheist-community.org/library/articles/read.php?id=710. Retrieved 2007-06-21.
- ^ Ravikumar (March 2, 2006). "Re-reading Periyar". Countercurrents. http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-ravikumar020306.htm.
- ^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.. pp. 77 & 78.
- ^ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 4.
- ^ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 19.
- ^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.69.
- ^ Chatterjee, Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar, p. 40.
- ^ Nalankilli, Thanjai (1 January 2003). A Chronology of Anti-Hindi Agitations "A Chronology of Anti-Hindi Agitations in Tamil Nadu". Anti-Hindi Agitation: 1938-1964. Tamil Tribune. http://www.geocities.com/tamiltribune/03/0101.html A Chronology of Anti-Hindi Agitations. Retrieved 2007-12-30.
- ^ a b c Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 118 & 119.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 88.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 88 & 89.
- ^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.79.
- ^ a b Pandian, Caste, Nationalism, and Ethnicity, p. 62.
- ^ International Tamil Language Foundation, (2000).Tirukkural/ The Handbok of Tamil Culture and Heritage. ITLF: Chicago, p. 1346.
- ^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.29.
- ^ Geetha, V. and S.V. Rajadurai, (1987).Towards a Non-Brahmin Millenium: From Iyothee Thass to Periyar. M. Sen for SAMYA: Calcutta, p. 481.
- ^ a b Richman, Paula (1991). The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia, Chapter 9: E. V. Ramasami's Reading of the Ramayana. University of California. http://www.escholarship.org/editions/view?docId=ft3j49n8h7&chunk.id=d0e9800&toc.depth=1&toc.id=d0e9800&brand=eschol.
- ^ a b c d Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 59 & 60.
- ^ a b c d Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 45-49.
- ^ a b S. Ramaswamy, Cho. "E.V. Ramaswami Naicker and C.N. Annadurai". India Today: 100 people of the millenium. http://www.india-today.com/itoday/millennium/100people/durai.html. Retrieved 2008-10-27.
- ^ a b Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 511.
- ^ a b c Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 504.
- ^ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 2.
- ^ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 70.
- ^ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 22.
- ^ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 37.
- ^ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 65.
- ^ a b Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 50.
- ^ a b Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 41
- ^ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 32.
- ^ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 45.
- ^ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 66.
- ^ a b Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 164 & 165.
- ^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.68.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 193.
- ^ a b Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 60 & 61.
- ^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.61.
- ^ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, pp. 72 & 73.
- ^ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, pp. 550-552.
- ^ Veeramani, [January 1981](2005) Collected Works of Periyar E.V.R., Third Edition, Chennai. The Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution, p. 503.
- ^ a b Raghavan, B. S. (October 9, 2000). "Thanthai Periyar". The Hindu Business Line. http://www.hinduonnet.com/businessline/2000/10/09/stories/040955of.htm. Retrieved 2008-10-27.
- ^ Sundaram, V. (March 6, 2006). "The boy who gives a truer picture of 'Periyar'". News Today. http://www.newstodaynet.com/2006sud/06mar/0803ss1.htm. Retrieved 2008-10-27.[dead link]
- ^ Dasgupta, Shankar (1975). Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy: A Proper Perspective D.G.S. ; [with an Introd. by Avvai. Sambandan]. Vairam Pathippagam. pp. 24.
- ^ a b "Periyar's Otherside". thanthaiperiyar.org. http://www.thanthaiperiyar.org/special-pages/periyar-otherside/.
- ^ a b c Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, pp. 505-508.
- ^ a b Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 89 & 90.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 95.
- ^ Dirks, Nicholas B. (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press. pp. 263. ISBN 9780691088952. http://books.google.com/?id=lekITKy2rd4C&dq=Castes+of+Mind++By+Nicholas+B.+Dirks&printsec=frontcover.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 98.
- ^ Ghurye, G.S., (1961). Caste, Class, and Occupation. Popular Book Depot: Bombay, p. 318.
- ^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden, p.76.
- ^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.. p. 30.
- ^ Bhaskaran, R., (1967). Sociology of Politics: Tradition of politics in India. Asia Publishing House: New York, p. 48.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 9.
- ^ Misra, Maria, Vishnu's Crowded Temple: India since the great rebellion, p. 292.
- ^ Dirks, Nicholas B. (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press. pp. 262. ISBN 9780691088952. http://books.google.com/?id=lekITKy2rd4C&dq=Castes+of+Mind++By+Nicholas+B.+Dirks&printsec=frontcover.
- ^ a b "Superiority in Numbers". Tehelka - The People's Paper. 2006. http://www.tehelka.com/story_main17.asp?filename=Ne042206superiority.asp. Retrieved 2008-08-06.
- ^ a b "India and the Tamils" (PDF). Columbia University. 2006. http://www.columbia.edu/~as48/India%20and%20the%20Tamils.pdf. Retrieved 2008-09-06.[dead link]
- ^ Omvedt, Gail (2006). Dalit Visions: The Anti-caste Movement and the Construction on an Indian Identity. Orient Longman. p. 95. ISBN 9788125028956. http://books.google.com/?id=nvSapw8i6k8C&pg=PA95&dq=Anti-Brahmanism
- ^ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 495.
- ^ Rajasekharan, Gnana (April 30, 2007). "'Periyar was against Brahminism, not Brahmins'". Rediff News. http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/apr/30inter.htm. Retrieved 2008-12-16.
- ^ Viduthalai. July 30, 1957.
- ^ Ramaswamy, Sumathi (1997). Passions of the Tongue:Language Devotion in Tamil Nadu, 1891-1970. University of California. http://escholarship.org/editions/view?docId=ft5199n9v7&chunk.id=s1.5.24&toc.depth=1&toc.id=ch5&brand=ucpress.
- ^ a b Indiaglitz (December 25, 2006). "'Periyar' Audio Launch". indiaglitz. http://www.indiaglitz.com/channels/tamil/gallery/events/11200.html. Retrieved 2008-12-16.
- ^ a b c d e Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.. pp. 86–88.
- ^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.. p. 16.
- ^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.. p. 58.
- ^ Misra, Maria, Vishnu's crowded temple, India since the great rebellion, p. 181.
- ^ "About Periyar: A Biographical Sketch From 1950 to 1972". Dravidar Kazhagam. http://www.periyar.org/html/ap_bios_eng4.asp. Retrieved 2008-11-30.
- ^ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, pp. 218 & 219.
- ^ Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.. p. 52.
- ^ More, J. B. Prashant (2004). Muslim Identity, Print Culture, and the Dravidian Factor in Tamil Nadu. Orient Blackswan. pp. 164. ISBN 8125026320, ISBN 9788125026327.
- ^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.92.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 125.
- ^ Prasad, Chandrabhan (September 23, 2004). "The Periyar Legatees". Countercurrents.org. http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-prasad230904.htm.
- ^ a b Ravikumar (March 12, 2003). "Questioning Periyar's legacy". Indian Express. http://www.indianexpress.com/oldstory.php?storyid=20003.
- ^ a b Vinoj Kumar, P. C. (September 17, 2004). "What if Periyar had not been born?". Sify. http://sify.com/news/politics/fullstory.php?id=13569138.
- ^ a b c encyclopedia of political parties page 166
- ^ a b c d e "Hindus and their symbols targetted by louts: A day of shame for TN". News Today. December 9, 2006. http://newstodaynet.com/09dec/rf1.htm.
- ^ a b I. Rudolph, Lloyd; Suzanne Hoeber Rudolph (1969). The Modernity of Tradition: political development in India. University of Chicago Press. pp. 78. ISBN 0226731375.
- ^ "Periyar statue damaged at Srirangam, tension in town". The Hindu. December 8, 2006. http://www.hindu.com/2006/12/08/stories/2006120803210400.htm.
- ^ a b Venkatesh, M. R. (December 12, 2006). "Running out of steam". The Telegraph. http://www.telegraphindia.com/1061212/asp/opinion/story_7126248.asp.
- ^ a b "Tamil Nadu tense after more instances of vandalism". Indian Express. December 9, 2006. http://www.indianexpress.com/news/tamil-nadu-tense-after-more-instances-of-vandalism/18190/.
- ^ The Hindu (August 9, 2007). "Periyar's philosophy relevant even today: Karunanidhi". The Hindu. http://www.hinduonnet.com/2007/08/09/stories/2007080961180800.htm. Retrieved 2008-12-17.
- ^ "Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam". Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. http://www.vaiko-mdmk.com/. Retrieved 2008-12-16.
- ^ The Hindu (February 8, 2004). "POTA misuse will be main poll issue: Vaiko". The Hindu. http://www.hindu.com/2004/02/08/stories/2004020805710400.htm. Retrieved 2008-12-17.
- ^ The Hindu (September 19, 2007). "Busts of Marx, Periyar, Ambedkar opened". The Hindu. http://www.hinduonnet.com/2007/09/19/stories/2007091953220300.htm. Retrieved 2008-12-17.
- ^ Veeramani, K. (1997). "International Convention for Solidarity with Eelam Tamils of Sri Lanka, 1997 - Nothing but, Genocide". TamilNation.org. http://www.tamilnation.org/conferences/India97/veeramani.htm. Retrieved 2008-12-17.[dead link]
- ^ IANS (July 28, 2007). "Mayawati pursuing another dream - Periyar statue in Lucknow". DNA India. http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1112254. Retrieved 2008-12-16.
- ^ Anita Diehl.(1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India, Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. P.81.
- ^ Cine South (December 30, 2006). "Sathyaraj gets Periyar Award". Cine South. http://www.cinesouth.com/masala/hotnews/new/30122006-2.shtml. Retrieved 2008-12-17.
- ^ www.kalaivanar.com (2009). "'Kalaivanar and his Contempraries'". www.kalaivanar.com. http://www.kalaivanar.com/kalaivanar-contemporaries.html. Retrieved 2010-07-06.
- ^ Ravindran, Gopalan. "Remembering Theena Muna Kana,N.S.Krishnan and the Camouflaged Narrative Devices of Tamil Political Cinema". Wide Screen Journal. http://blogs.widescreenjournal.org/?p=1592. Retrieved 6 July 2010.
- ^ The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India. University of Chicago. 1984. p. 48. ISBN 0226731375, ISBN 9780226731377.
- ^ Christophe Jaffrelot (1984). India's Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes in North India. Hurst & Co.. p. 167. ISBN 1850656703, ISBN 978-1850656708.
- ^ "Periyar premiere in Malaysia.". IndiaGlitz.com. 30 April 2007. http://www.indiaglitz.com/channels/tamil/article/30835.html. Retrieved 2008-11-28.
- ^ "Periyar and Ammuvagiya Naan at the International Film Festival.". Chennai365.com. 19 October 2007. http://www.chennai365.com/news/periyar-and-ammuvagiya-naan-at-the-international-film-festival/. Retrieved 2008-11-28.
- ^ http://sify.com/movies/tamil/fullstory.php?id=14900379
- ^ http://sify.com/movies/tamil/fullstory.php?id=14879788
References
- Arora, N.D.; S.S. Awasthy, (2007). Political Theory and Political Thought. Har-Anand Publications: New Delhi. ISBN 81-24-11164-2.
- Bhaskaran, R., (1967). Sociology of Politics: Tradition of politics in India. Asia Publishing House: New York.
- Bandyopadhyaya, Sekhara, (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A history of modern India. Orient Longman: New Delhi. ISBN 9788125025962
- Chatterjee, Debi, [January 1981](2004) Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar. Rawat Publications: Chennai. ISBN 9788170338604
- Diehl, Anita, (1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
- Dirks, Nicholas B., (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press: Princeton. ISBN 0691088950.
- Geetha, V.; S.V. Rajadurai, (1987). Towards a Non-Brahmin Millenium: From Iyothee Thass to Periyar. M. Sen for SAMYA: Calcutta, p. 481. ISBN 9788185604374.
- Gopalakrishnan, G.P., (1991). Periyar: Father of the Tamil race. Emerald Publishers: Chennai.
- Ghurye, G.S., (1961). Caste, Class, and Occupation. Popular Book Depot: Bombay.
- International Tamil Language Foundation, (2000).Tirukkural/ The Handbok of Tamil Culture and Heritage. ITLF: Chicago, p. 1346. ISBN 9780967621203
- Kandasamy, W.B. Vasantha; Florentin Smarandache; K. Kandasamy (2005). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. Hexis: Phoenix. ISBN 19-31-2330-04.
- Mehta, Vrajendra Raj; Thomas Pantham, (2006). Political Ideas in Modern India: thematic explorations. Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks. ISBN 07-61-93420-0.
- Misra, Maria, (2008). Vishnu's Crowded Temple: India since the great rebellion. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300137217
- Pandian, J., (1987).Caste, Nationalism, and Ethnicity. Popular Prakashan Private Ltd.: Bombay.
- Richman, Paula, (1991). Many Ramayanas: The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia. University of California Press: Berkeley. ISBN 05-20-07281-2.
- Saraswathi, S. (2004) Towards Self-Respect. Institute of South Indian Studies: Madras.
- Thakurta, Paranjoy Guha; Shankar Raghuraman (2004). A Time of Coalitions: Divided We Stand. Sage Publications. New Delhi. ISBN 07-61-93237-2.
- Veeramani, Dr. K.(2005). Collected Works of Periyar E.V.R.. Third Edition. The Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution: Chennai.
- Veeramani, Dr. K.(1992). Periyar on Women's Rights. Emerald Publishers: Chennai.
Further reading
- Bandistse, D.D., (2008). Humanist Thought in Contemporary India. B.R. Pub: New Delhi.
- Biswas, S.K., (1996). Pathos of Marxism in India. Orion Books: New Delhi.
- Chand, Mool, (1992). Bahujan and their Movement. Bahujan Publication Trust: New Delhi.
- Dirks,Nicholas B., (2001). Castes of mind : colonialism and the making of modern India. Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey.
- Geetha, V., (1998). Periyar, Women and an Ethic of Citizenship. Sameeksha Trust: Bombay.
- Kothandaraman, Ponnusamy, (1995). Tamil Varalarril Tantai Periyar (Tamil). Pumpolil Veliyitu: Chennai.
- Mani, Braj Ranjan, (2005). Debrahmanising History: Dominance and Resistance in Indian Society. Manohar: New Delhi.
- Mission Prakashan, (2003). Second Freedom Struggle: Chandapuri's Call to Overthrow Brahmin Rule. Mission Prakashan Patna: Bihar.
- Omvedt, Gail, (2006). Dalit Visions. Oscar Publications: New Delhi.
- Pandian, M.S.S., (2007). Brahmin and Non-Brahmin: Genealogies of the Tamil Political Present. Manohar: New Delhi.
- Ram, Dadasaheb Kanshi, (2001). How to Revive the Phule-Ambedkar-Periyar Movement in South India. Bahujan Samaj Publications: Bangalore.
- Ramasami, Periyar, [3rd edition] (1998). Declaration of War on Brahminism. Chennai.
- Ramasami, Periyar E.V., [ new ed] (1994). Periyana. Chintakara Chavadi: Bangalore.
- Ramasami, Periyar, [new ed] (1994). Religion and Society:: Selections from Periyar's Speeches and Writings. Emerald Publishers: Madras.
- Sen, Amiya P., (2003). Social and Religious Reform: The Hindus of British India. Oxford University Press: New Delhi; New York.
- Srilata, K., (2006). Other Half of the Coconut: Women Writing Self-Respect History - an anthology of self-respect literature, 1928-1936. Oscar Publications: Delhi.
- Thirumavalavan, Thol; Meena Kandasamy (2003). Talisman, Extreme Emotions of Dalit Liberation: Extreme emotions of Dalit Liberation. Popular Prakashan: Mumbai.
- Thirumavalavan, Thol; Meena Kandasamy (2004). Uproot Hindutva: The Fiery Voice of the Liberation Panthers. Popular Prakashan.
- Venugopal, P., (1990). Social Justice and Reservation. Emerald Publishers: Madras.
- Yadav, Bibhuti, (2002). Dalits in India (A set of 2 Volumes). Anmol Publications. New Delhi.
External links
 | Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Periyar E. V. Ramasamy |
- Periyar (official website in English)
- Periyar EVR (website in Tamil)
- Thanthai Periyar (website in English)
- Periyar Kural (online radio in Tamil)
- Rationalist/Social Reformer (article in English)
- The Revolutionary Sayings of Periyar (website in English)
- `The economic interest... that was the contradiction' (article in English)
- Periyar (movie in Tamil)
- Thanthai Periyar (website in English)
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